As the clock ticks towards the Czech Republic’s takeover of the European Union’s six-month rotating presidency on January 1, there are signs of distinct nervousness in Brussels and some EU capitals over how Prague will cope with the challenge.
For most EU governments, the global financial crisis, economic recession, the fate of the Lisbon institutional reform treaty and relations with Russia will be the top priorities for the first half of next year. And they are not sure the Czechs see things quite the same way or, if they do, will be able to provide effective leadership at a time when the government of Prime Minister Mirek Topolanek has scarcely looked weaker.
The Czechs will be the second former communist country to assume the EU presidency. Slovenia’s spell in the hot seat in the first half of this year was generally considered successful. But some EU diplomats make the point that the Slovenes did not have to confront the full-scale emergency that erupted in the world financial system or handle the Russian invasion of Georgia in August. What a relief that France, an experienced and powerful member-state, was at the controls during these crises – so the argument runs.
The main fear concerning the Czechs is that internal political squabbles between Topolanek and his opponents will spill into the EU arena, damaging the country’s ability to manage EU business efficiently. Recent regional polls and elections to the Czech Senate brought crushing victories for the opposition Social Democrats, whose leader, Jiri Paroubek, says Topolanek’s government should resign and be replaced by a caretaker government that would hold power for the duration of the Czech EU presidency.
The Social Democrats portray themselves as convinced pro-Europeans, committed to closer EU integration. So it may seem odd that they are proposing arrangements that may cause endless bickering, just when the Czech Republic is taking on greater responsibilities than at any time since its creation in 1993. But politics is politics. It is only natural for an opposition party to put pressure on a government after such a triumph at the polls.
As the Czechs made detailed preparations earlier this year for their EU presidency, they identified three key themes – business competitiveness, the four freedoms (of people, goods, services and capital) and a liberal trade policy. These are worthy objectives but, so the grumbling in Brussels goes, not really enough to capture the drama of the times. Some EU officials were astonished at a recent meeting of EU finance ministers to hear the Czech minister launch into a tirade against massive state intervention to rescue European banks. It was all too reminiscent of the communist era, he complained, and the Czechs knew all about that. Not a point the others thought especially relevant, given the scale of the emergency.
Some EU governments say the case of the Czechs reinforces the importance of getting the Lisbon treaty ratified as soon as possible, so that the EU can launch its full-time presidency in place of the six-month rotating system. But in the best of worlds Lisbon won’t take effect until 2010 – and that, as they say, is another story.
Across the globe: Gideon Rachman and his FT colleagues debate international affairs on