Monthly Archives: February 2010

Lex: Greece/Goldman (FT)

Europe’s bear problem (Charlemagne, The Economist)

The market’s Achilles heel (John Authers, FT)

Greek shipping has enjoyed a surprisingly good year. But there are difficult times ahead for an industry that faces increased competition and dangerous levels of overcapacity.

Google faces Brussels antitrust scrutiny (Richard Waters and Nikki Tait, FT)

Greeks take to the streets over austerity plan (FT)

Greece threatens more than the euro (Gideon Rachman, FT)

German deficit breaches EU stability pact (Quentin Peel, FT)

Nothing illustrates the sensitivity of the European Union’s relationship with Israel better than the statement which EU foreign ministers issued on Monday complaining about the use of forged European passports in last month’s killing of Mahmoud al-Mabhouh, the Hamas commander, in Dubai.  The statement contained several sentences that were masterpieces of waffle, such as the following: “The EU … believes that its passports remain among the most secure in the world, fully meeting all international standards.”

The statement was, however, remarkable chiefly for its reluctance to spell out that the EU holds Israel responsible for the flagrant misuse of identity documents belonging to European citizens.  It could hardly be otherwise, of course.  There is insufficient evidence at this stage to state with certainty that Israel’s agents used the false passports and killed Mabhouh.  Instead, it was left to a couple of EU foreign ministers to conduct some finger-wagging in one-on-one meetings with Avigdor Lieberman, their combative Israeli counterpart, who just happened to be in Brussels on Monday.

The euro will face bigger tests than Greece (George Soros, FT)

Greece looks at tougher budget cuts (Dimitris Kontogiannis, FT)

No borrower solidarity (P O Neill, A fistful of Euros)

You know that the European Union is in trouble when Russia offers more intelligent advice on the eurozone’s debt crisis than Spain, the country that holds the EU’s rotating presidency.  Dmitry Medvedev, Russia’s president, disclosed the other day that he had recommended to George Papandreou, Greece’s prime minister, that the Greek government should request assistance from the International Monetary Fund to sort out its problems.

This is exactly the course of action advocated by several non-eurozone EU countries as well as a host of distinguished economists and, dare I say it, the editorial writers of the Financial Times.  As it happens, I don’t agree – if by IMF assistance we mean financial help.  The IMF will be involved, along with the European Central Bank, the European Commission and eurozone finance ministers, in monitoring Greece’s public finances and providing technical aid as required.

But anything more than that strikes me as unnecessary.  I take very seriously the argument that IMF financial assistance for Greece would plant suspicions in the minds of investors around the world about the long-term viability of European monetary union.  If emergency aid were essential, it would not be difficult for Germany, France and other eurozone countries to provide the required amount, which is generally estimated to be about €20bn.  To turn to the IMF would raise doubts that the very foundations of European monetary union were built on sand.

Be that as it may, Medvedev’s advice is much more sensible than the Spanish government’s apparent initiative to set its secret services on a hunt for conspirators in financial markets and “the Anglo-Saxon media”, who are supposedly out to destabilise the eurozone.  There is probably far less to this alleged counter-espionage operation than we are led to believe.  But there is little doubt that some Spanish ministers see an opportunity to deflect attention from the shortcomings of their economic policies by attacking the English-language media.

One can see how the temptation arises.  When I was in Madrid last month for various events marking the start of Spain’s six-month EU presidency, José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero, Spain’s prime minister, spent an hour or so with a group of Brussels-based reporters.  One of them, an English-language reporter for Reuters, put a blunt question to Zapatero: “Is Spain the next Greece?”

Boy, did he not like that.  The expression on his face reminded me of William Golding’s description of Jack, the former choirboy who turns into a savage in Lord of the Flies, when he kills his first pig.  Well, the question was a touch inflammatory.  Spain isn’t the next Greece.  It has an unemployment rate verging on 20 per cent, a yawning budget deficit and a hangover from a burst construction industry bubble.  But it doesn’t suffer from Greece’s basic problem – a severe lack of credibility, accumulated over many years, with its eurozone partners and the markets.

That said, it is the responsibility of political leaders to ignore media pinpricks and get on with their job of managing the economy.  Raising a hue and cry in pursuit of phantom foreign conspirators is unworthy of a serious government.

Two thoughts spring to mind when you consider the appointment of João Vale de Almeida, a Portuguese Eurocrat, as the European Union’s next ambassador to the US.  The first is that the EU seems to be retreating from its experiment of placing a political heavyweight in Washington to speak up for Europe.  John Bruton, the EU’s outgoing envoy, is a former Irish prime minister whose face was well-known in the White House and on Capitol Hill when he got the job in 2004.

Vale de Almeida is familiar to certain US officials – he has been the European Commission’s top liaison man for G8 and G20 meetings.  But as a civil servant who started his career with the Commission in Lisbon back in 1982, he has never been elected to office, has never served as a government minister and altogether lacks the profile of someone like Bruton.  Americans are already struggling to recall which two figures were chosen last year as the EU’s first full-time president and new head of foreign policy.  Now they have a third obscure European name to remember.

The second thought is that Almeida’s main qualification for the US post appears to be that he spent five years from 2004 to 2009 as chief of staff for José Manuel Barroso, the European Commission president, who is also Portuguese.  This has profound implications for the way the EU’s new foreign policy structures, as established under the Lisbon treaty, will be seen in Washington.

The treaty foresees that all EU missions abroad will form part of a diplomatic service answerable to Baroness Catherine Ashton, the newly appointed foreign policy high representative for the 27-nation bloc.  Given Vale de Almeida’s close ties with Barroso, however, it will be entirely understandable if US policymakers see him as a channel for communicating with the Commission president as much as a servant of Ashton.

This perception is reinforced by the fact that Barroso has engineered Vale de Almeida’s appointment by exploiting his powers as Commission president in the interval before the EU’s diplomatic service is up and running.  EU national governments didn’t get much of a say in the matter, either.  Once the diplomatic service is operating in earnest, it will be Ashton’s job to choose ambassadors.

True, it can be argued that it was important to put a new envoy in Washington as soon as possible and Vale de Almeida had the right profile as the Commission’s director-general for external relations.  But he has only held that job for a couple of months.  Vale de Almeida’s appointment sends a signal that institutional rivalries and personal power plays will continue to hinder the formation of a united, more forceful, more coherent EU foreign policy.

Yulia Tymoshenko’s refusal to acknowledge Viktor Yanukovich as the legitimate winner of Ukraine’s presidential election is starting to embarrass her friends in the European Union.  The White House, Nato and the EU have all congratulated Yanukovich on his victory.  The longer Tymoshenko maintains her defiant stance, the more it will cost her in terms of prestige and contacts in Europe.

Only last December I saw the red carpet rolled out for Tymoshenko at a congress in Bonn of the centre-right European People’s Party, the biggest party in the European Parliament.  Everyone was there – German chancellor Angela Merkel, EU president Herman Van Rompuy, French premier François Fillon, Italian premier Silvio Berlusconi, etc.  Tymoshenko was one of the star attractions from the “new” eastern Europe.

The eurozone: Athenian arrangers (FT reporters, FT)

Let Greece take a ‘eurozone holiday’ (Opinion, FT)

Brussels and the Greek debt trick (Editorial, FT)

Thinking the unthinkable about the Euro (Dan Roberts, Guardian blog)

Solving Greece’s current debt crisis is just the start of fixing the economy.

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Peter Spiegel is the FT's Brussels bureau chief. He returned to the FT in August 2010 after spending five years covering foreign policy and national security issues from Washington for the Wall Street Journal and the Los Angeles Times, focusing on the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan. He first joined the FT in 1999 covering business regulation and corporate crime in its Washington bureau, before spending four years covering military affairs and the defence industry in London and Washington.

Joshua Chaffin is one of the FT's EU correspondents, covering areas including policies on trade, the environment and energy. He has worked in the FT's Brussels bureau since late 2008 and before that was an FT correspondent in New York and Washington DC.

Alex Barker is EU correspondent, covering the single market, financial regulation and competition. He was formerly an FT political correspondent in the UK and joined the FT in 2005.

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