Monthly Archives: April 2010

With good reason the eurozone’s political leaders have been criticised for reacting too slowly to the Greek sovereign debt crisis.  But what’s new about that?  Slowness often seems to be a defining feature of Europe’s approach to policymaking.

Consider the proposals that are in the air for the creation of a European Monetary Fund to manage Greek-style crises in the future.  There is widespread support for such a fund, ranging from the European Commission to Wolfgang Schäuble, Germany’s centre-right finance minister, and socialists in the European Parliament.

Nothing captures Germany’s anger and frustration with Greece better than the story – if you can call it that – in Tuesday’s Bild, the mass-circulation German tabloid.  “Goodbye, euro. Bild gives the drachma back to the bankrupt Greeks.”  Beneath the headline is a picture of a well-dressed, bespectacled young man, presumably German, handing a wad of drachmas – a defunct currency – to a rather frightened-looking, middle-aged Greek lady.  The message is brutally clear: we Germans don’t want to share the same money as you lot.  Drop out of the eurozone and leave us alone.

In this FT video, Victor Mallet, Madrid bureau chief, follows the migrant trail from Tangiers, north Morocco, to an immigration camp in the Spanish enclave of Ceuta and across the mouth of the Mediterranean to southern Spain.

He sees how the regions’ economic ties and the financial crisis have shaped the lives of millions of migrants.

If the Greek debt crisis is teaching the European Union some harsh lessons about the design of its monetary union, no less serious is the message coming from Ukraine about the effectiveness of EU foreign policy.  Viktor Yanukovich, Ukraine’s newly elected president, agreed a deal with President Dmitry Medvedev of Russia last week that gave Moscow a 25-year extension of the right to station its Black Sea fleet in Ukraine’s Crimean peninsula.  In return, Ukraine secured a 30 per cent cut in the price of Russian gas deliveries.

Greece is Europe’s very own subprime crisis (Wolfgang Münchau, FT)

Greek aid depends on budget cut plans (FT reporters, FT)

In Brussels, they’re crossing their fingers for Nick Clegg (Daniel Hannan, Telegraph blogs)

George Papandreou, Greece’s socialist prime minister, is an honourable and courageous politician who has done a great deal in his career to improve his country’s image in the eyes of its European Union partners.  So it cannot have been easy for him to announce today that he was requesting the activation of the €40bn-€45bn eurozone-International Monetary Fund financial rescue package for Greece.

No eurozone member-state has suffered such a humiliation since the euro’s launch in January 1999.  But Papandreou must have feared, as soon as he took office after last October’s election, that emergency foreign assistance was going to be necessary.

The Greek public finances were in even more desperate condition than anyone could have guessed.  The 2009 budget deficit, it was revealed on Thursday, was 13.6 per cent of gross domestic product – and may turn out to have been even higher.  The 2009 public debt amounted to a colossal 115.1 per cent of GDP, up sharply from 99.2 per cent in 2008.

The fundamental causes of this mess lie in Greece itself, and it is to Papandreou’s credit that he has not been afraid to say this to his countrymen in one public appearance after another since he took over as premier.  He also won the respect of his fellow EU leaders by acknowledging frankly at a summit in December that corruption was at the core of Greece’s problems.

As Papandreou knows, this is where Greeks really need to take a hard look at themselves and the way they have behaved, especially in matters of taxation, public sector contracts and employment in the state administration, for many decades.  His government has introduced severe austerity measures, and it can now count on massive financial support from Europe and the IMF.  But all this will count for nothing if Greeks don’t make an honest effort at cleaning up their act.

And the truth is, this is a challenge that will last an entire generation.

A look at what the euroblogs are saying ahead of the second prime ministerial debate tonight:

Europe and the UK election (Gavin Hewitt, BBC blog)

The endless halls (Jamie Kenny, A fistful of Euros)

Clameronism (Centre for European Reform blog)

Volcanic Ash: UKIP weighs in (Charlemagne Blog, The Economist)

The election of Dervis Eroglu as Turkish Cypriot president appears at first sight to deal a severe blow to the latest United Nations-sponsored efforts at solving the Cyprus problem.  But appearances can be deceptive.  There may, in fact, be an opportunity for a breakthrough.  Crucially, however, it will require the involvement of the European Union.

Eroglu, 72, is usually dubbed a “hardline nationalist” in the international media on account of his long-standing commitment to Turkish Cypriot independence.  This is to miss the point that the Turkish Cypriots are economically dependent on Turkey and Eroglu can hardly act in defiance of the government in Ankara.  It is in the Turks’ wider diplomatic interests to bring about a Cyprus settlement.  They have already made it plain to Eroglu that they expect him to behave constructively.

Nevertheless, Eroglu is clearly a different character to Mehmet Ali Talat, the outgoing president whom he defeated in Sunday’s election.  Talat has held 18 months of talks with Demetris Christofias, the Greek Cypriot president, in an attempt to break the deadlock in the Cyprus dispute.  Some progress has been made, but overall the talks have been slower and more difficult than hoped for.  In certain respects Cyprus has barely changed since 1974, when Turkey invaded the island’s north in response to a Greek-inspired coup aimed at unifying Cyprus with Greece.

How does the EU fit into the picture?  One important obstacle to a settlement has been the refusal of the Greek Cypriot-controlled government of Cyprus to permit the EU to establish direct trade links with the Turkish Cypriots.  This has had serious consequences for Turkey’s EU membership bid, because Ankara responded by refusing to allow Greek Cypriot traffic access to Turkish ports and airports.  The EU punished Turkey by freezing negotiations on eight of the 35 policy chapters that must be closed before a country can join the bloc.  As a result, Turkey’s accession talks are slowing to a crawl and Turkish public opinion is losing faith in the EU.

Fortunately, there now exists a chance to clean up this mess.  Because the EU’s newly adopted Lisbon treaty gives the European Parliament a voice in trade policy for the first time, the Commission is asking the assembly to approve a directive setting up trade links between the EU and the Turkish Cypriots.  If passed, the directive will go to EU national governments, which can adopt it if necessary by a qualified majority.  In other words, the Greek Cypriots will no longer be able to play their blocking game.

If all went well, one could imagine approval of the trade directive, a Turkish decision to open ports and airports to Greek Cypriot traffic, and a new impetus to Turkey’s EU membership talks.  In such circumstances, it would be easier to make progress on the core problems of the Cyprus dispute.  Does all this sound too good to be true?  Perhaps.  But that’s what they used to say about the fall of the Berlin Wall and the end of apartheid in South Africa.  The Cyprus dispute is not insoluble – but a solution will require the EU to pull its weight.

Viewed from Brussels, the rise of Nick Clegg and his Liberal Democrats in Britain’s election campaign is a fantasy come true.  For most of its 37 years in the European Union, Britain has been the bloc’s most awkward, cussed member-state.  Now, the unthinkable is happening.  Britain’s opinion polls are topped by a party whose leader spent five years working at the European Commission and another five years as a MEP in the European Parliament.  Gott im Himmel!  A Brit who actually understands the place!

And it doesn’t stop there.  Clegg studied at the elite College of Europe in Bruges, an institution geared to producing crop after crop of graduates with a lifelong enthusiasm for EU integration.  He speaks Dutch, French, German and Spanish, making him as proficient a linguist as such dedicated Europeans as Herman Van Rompuy, the EU’s full-time president, and Jean-Claude Juncker, the Luxembourg premier.

Clegg has a Dutch mother, a half-Russian father and three children called Antonio, Alberto and Miguel.  There has been no British party leader like him since the EU’s 1957 Treaty of Rome.  In fact, you may have to go all the way back to Charles James Fox, the Whig who briefly served as foreign secretary in the Napoleonic wars, to find a British statesman whose mental outlook was so naturally rooted in Europe.  Bliss was it in that dawn to be alive!  Clegg’s emergence is enough to make even the most agnostic Eurocrat think that there must be a god, after all.

Europe’s volcanic ash emergency is, if I may say so, a lot of hot air rather than a genuine threat to the economy.  It means that a couple of million people failed to show up at work on Monday - but so what?  To us Europeans, there’s nothing so unusual about that.

After all, the Icelandic volcano erupted at the fag end of Europe’s astonishingly long Easter break – a luxurious stretch of two and a half weeks, no less.  When you get holidays as long as that, the temptation to stay away from work on the first Monday back, and inhale one more time on Europe’s opiate way of life, can be pretty strong.

True, some business sectors and some parts of the world are suffering more than others.  An exporters’ association in Kenya reports that 5,000 workers in the nation’s cut flower business have been laid off because of the ban on flights to Europe.  But the air transport industry accounts for less than 1 per cent of goods transported through Europe, compared with 46 per cent for roads, 37 per cent for seas and 11 per cent for railways.  The airline industry is squealing for financial help, and the European Commission seems sympathetic, but airlines are more the little toe than the backbone of European economic output.

All in all, there is scant prospect that the volcanic ash cloud is going to smother Europe’s economic recovery.  At present the post-financial crisis European economy resembles one of those cigarettes that keeps glowing in spite of three or four attempts to stub it out.

I may be wrong, of course.  But one person who could set me straight – Lucas Papademos, the European Central Bank vice-president – was unable to do so on Monday because the ash cloud prevented him from travelling to the European Parliament in Strasbourg to deliver the ECB’s annual report.

Undoubtedly, if you are a British or Dutch citizen with an Icesave account that went up in smoke, you would prefer Iceland to have sent you cash instead of ash.  But the bottom line is that this is one explosion that won’t seriously damage your health or that of your country – in short, it’s just a drag.

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Peter Spiegel is the FT's Brussels bureau chief. He returned to the FT in August 2010 after spending five years covering foreign policy and national security issues from Washington for the Wall Street Journal and the Los Angeles Times, focusing on the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan. He first joined the FT in 1999 covering business regulation and corporate crime in its Washington bureau, before spending four years covering military affairs and the defence industry in London and Washington.

Joshua Chaffin is one of the FT's EU correspondents, covering areas including policies on trade, the environment and energy. He has worked in the FT's Brussels bureau since late 2008 and before that was an FT correspondent in New York and Washington DC.

Alex Barker is EU correspondent, covering the single market, financial regulation and competition. He was formerly an FT political correspondent in the UK and joined the FT in 2005.

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