Monthly Archives: March 2009

John Gapper

Good grief. Every so often, one learns something shocking about markets and this morning I found out that wholesale tea is priced in dollars rather than sterling (or the Indian or Chinese currencies).

This means that the British tea drinker is going to suffer even more from the rising price of tea than Americans because of the fall in the value of the pound against the dollar.

Droughts in tea-producing countries are pushing up the wholesale price of tea leaves and, as this FT piece points out, currency weakness is compounding the problem for the UK, which is now the second-largest importer of tea, having been overtaken by Russia.

Russian tea aficionados are presumably drinking to the recent resurgence in the rouble against the dollar, as a result of a bounce in oil prices

It feels a bit unfair for tea to be priced in the US currency when this remains a coffee-drinking culture, on the whole. One can easily buy British tea here, but it is getting ever pricier.

It is enough to make one wish for a global reserve currency, as those tea-drinking Russians would prefer.

Update: Felix Salmon, who has moved from Conde Nast Portfolio to Reuters, points out that I am falling for the denomination fallacy. So does an acerbic commentator below.

John Gapper

Having just watched Barack Obama’s televised remarks about GM and Chrysler, the most striking thing was that, after a gentle start praising the historic strengths of the industry and its place at the heart of the US economy, he got remarkably tough.

First, the president said openly that they might have to go into Chapter 11 bankruptcy to meet a 60-day deadline for restructuring, in the case of GM, and 30-day deadline, in the case of Chrysler:

“Both need a fresh start to implement the restructuring plans they develop. That may mean using our bankruptcy code as a mechanism to help them restructure quickly and emerge stronger. Now, I know that when people even hear the word “bankruptcy” it can be a bit unsettling, so let me explain what I mean. What I am talking about is using our existing legal structure as a tool that, with the backing of the US government, can make it easier for General Motors and Chrysler to quickly clear away old debts that are weighing them down so they can get back on their feet and onto a path to success; a tool that we can use, even as workers are staying on the job building cars that are being sold.”

Well, Amen to that. One of the most frustrating things about the auto companies’ statements in the past few weeks has been their insistence on equating Chapter 11 bankruptcy and restructuring with liquidation. The administration has correctly seen through this ruse.

Second, however, Mr Obama insisted that the US government would let Chrysler actually go bust – not just to enter Chapter 11 – if it does not reach a partnership deal with Fiat or another company.

“If they are able to come to a sound agreement that protects American taxpayers, we will consider lending up to $6bn to help their plan succeed. But if they and their stakeholders are unable to reach such an agreement, and in the absence of any other viable partnership, we will not be able to justify investing additional tax dollar to keep Chrysler in business.”

I am not entirely sure that I believe this – that the US government would stand by and let Chrysler go down – but Mr Obama has put it clearly on record so it would be hard to back out. It will certainly have the effect of making the 30-day deadline to get a Chrysler-Fiat deal done bite.

John Gapper

The departure of Rick Wagoner as chief executive of General Motors was inevitable once Barack Obama’s auto taskforce had concluded that it did not believe the restructuring plan GM had submitted in an effort to gain billions more in government support.

The question is whether Fritz Henderson, who is a GM lifer like Mr Wagoner, has enough credibility to retain his post as Mr Wagoner’s successor for long.

My impression of Mr Henderson, for what it is worth, has generally been favourable. He was placed in charge of GM’s turnaround efforts in Europe and elsewhere, and always appeared to be under no illusions about the need for fundamental change at the company.

Although Mr Henderson is a down-to-earth and likeable character, he has always seemed a mite tougher than Mr Wagoner in his approach to restructuring, and more eager to challenge GM’s orthodoxies and its entrenched interests, notably its unions and its dealers.

That said, the question is whether GM needs another veteran of Detroit, steeped in its peculiar rituals and understandings, to dig it out of a very deep hole.

Mr Wagoner’s biggest problem was that he saw his job too much as playing the hand he was given – which was an extremely poor one – rather than demanding that the game was changed. From the first time I met him, five and a half years ago, he talked of making the best of a bad job.

His initial strategy to deal with the burden of retiree healthcare and pensions int the US was to try to keep boosting its sales volumes there for long enough to ride out the bulge in costs. That would have taken a decade of keeping its revenues high with discounting and cheap financing.

When it became transparent that this was not going to work, Mr Wagoner reversed path and tried seriously to reform its old union agreements, as well as trimming its dealer network. But, as the taskforce report makes brutally clear, the gap between aspiration and reality remained wide.

Given that GM’s share price fell from $70 a share to single digits, Mr Wagoner was never a convincing choice in terms of shareholder value. But a lot of people felt that his combination of intelligence, tenacity and trust from GM’s constituencies remained useful enough to keep him in place.

Behind this lay the general belief in Detroit and elsewhere that, since the car industry is such a grinding, low margin and complex business, you need an insider to run such a company.

That orthodoxy has been challenged, however, at Chrysler (Bob Nardelli), Ford (Alan Mulally) and Fiat (Sergio Marchionne). Insiders, who are steeped in the traditional ways of doing things and all the reasons why it is too risky to try something different, have their own disadvantages.

So where does this leave Mr Henderson, a tough and talented executive but indubitably an insider? I suspect he may have damaged his long-term chances by pinning his colours so firmly to Mr Wagoner’s mast during the drawing up of the GM restructuring plan.

In particular, I was sorry to see him fall in line with Mr Wagoner’s dubious insistence that GM would lose far more by going into Chapter 11 bankruptcy than restructuring outside it. Given that it has not managed to negotiate seriously with its bondholders so far, I remain unconvinced.

I would give him a 50-50 chance, which is not bad given the odds on GM as a whole.

John Gapper

Supermarkets in the US are more reliant on branded products than their counterparts in Europe, which have bigger selections of private label goods. But the recession is being treated by US retailers as a chance to have another go with private label.

Wal-Mart has relaunched its Great Value private label brand and I had an interesting chat today with executives from 7-Eleven, the Japanese-owned convenience store chain, which is trying to do the same thing with its 7-Select private label brand.

I have never known whether the apparent reluctance of the US consumer to choose private label brands is due to his or her inherent preference for brands (stimulated by brand advertising) or whether something else is going on.

Interestingly, Jeff Schenck, the head of franchising for 7-Eleven in the US says it is more driven by distribution patterns. Big consumer goods companies such as Procter and Gamble have a greater influence over supermarket supply chains in the US than in Europe.

They are often allowed to stock the shelves in supermarkets, in return for incentive payments (known as slotting fees) to retailers, and to control the way products are displayed.

Mr Schenk said 7-Eleven’s steady development of its own supply chain was one reason why it was now confident in the potential of 7-Select products, such as its own line of potato crisps. “We call it taking our stores back,” he said.

As well as rolling out more private label goods, 7-Eleven is developing a new franchising model, which involves persuading owners of existng corner stores to convert to the brand in return for giving 7-11 a share of the revenues.

This is a less capital intensive model than its traditional practice of acquiring leases or building stores itself, before getting local franchisees to run them.

John Gapper

Tim Geithner’s plan to make it compulsory for larger hedge funds to register with the Securities and Exchange Commission, and to disclose information to the SEC about their investors and counter-parties, will probably cause some griping in the industry.

Hedge funds can fairly argue that they have hardly been at the epicentre of the financial crisis and have been able to suffer heavy investor withdrawals, and even collapse, without noticeably hurting the financial system as a whole.

Although the troubles of a couple of Bear Stearns funds, as well as two run by Goldman Sachs, were an early sign of the crisis, they were not the cause of Bear’s downfall.

I used to sympathise with the arguments of US hedge funds that they should be allowed to operate fairly freely, although some have to register with the Commodity Futures Trading Commission and others have voluntarily registered with the SEC.

But I think I have changed my mind, on the basis on what you might call the purple panda principle, after a quotation in an FT story today:

“It doesn’t really matter if it’s called a bank, a hedge fund or a purple panda,” says Randy Quarles, a managing director at Carlyle Group, the private equity firm, and former Treasury undersecretary.

“I think it is important for regulators to have the ability to step in in advance of a run actually happening at a systemically important institution.”

That seems to me to be the pertinent point. The vast majority of funds are small enough not to pose a systemic risk, but you never know what a non-bank financial institution will get up to these days, as AIG’s use of its balance sheet to trade credit default swaps showed.

On the face of it, although I await the briefings against the idea to see whether first appearances are accurate, the Geithner plan proposes fairly light-touch regulation for hedge funds compared with that for big banks and investment banks.

Incidentally, the Geithner proposals appear to put the US in line with practice in other financial centres, including London.

John Gapper

My FT column this week is on Tim Geithner and Ben Bernanke’s plan for winding up insolvent financial institutions:

One thing we have learnt in the past year is that some banks are definitely too big to fail. We may yet discover something even more disturbing: that some are too big to save.

Tim Geithner, the US Treasury secretary, who has staged something of a reputational recovery this week – helped by the fickle stock market – will this morning testify to Congress on his plans for reforming regulation and gaining more power to wind up insolvent financial institutions.

Mr Geithner has intelligent things to say about how the Treasury and the Federal Reserve could have done a better job of letting Lehman Brothers go down gracefully, and saving American International Group without having to stick to bonus contracts. He wants the US government to be able to seize control of such institutions when spending public money.

The fact that it could not – that it had to lend $85bn to AIG to keep it afloat last September rather than take over the insurance group, and was unable to deal properly with Lehman Brothers – is one reason why he has been in trouble with Congress.

But here is a disconcerting thought. What if the US government, with its balance sheet and its reserve-currency dollar, gained the powers that Mr Geithner and Ben Bernanke, chairman of the Federal Reserve, seek? Would that be enough to guarantee that it could resolve the next AIG-style crisis? Unfortunately not.

You can read the rest of the column here and comment below.

John Gapper

Perhaps it was just me, but I thought I detected a note of regret at this morning’s session of the House of Representatives financial services committee about the House’s rush last week to tax 90 per cent of bonuses at institutions that have taken public funding.

The main business of the session was to grill Ben Bernanke, chairman of the Federal Reserve, and Tim Geithner, Treasury secretary, on matters including the AIG bonuses and their request to be granted more authority to seize and wind down insolvent non-banks.

But I had the impression some of the steam had gone out of the protests about the AIG retention bonuses and one or two Democratic of the committee were tacitly signalling that they would not be too unhappy if such a punitive measure never becomes law.

Gary Ackerman, a New York Democrat, was the most explicit in suggesting a retreat from action affecting all employees of AIG:

“Some of us are learning that we have hurt a lot of otherwise innocent and decent people that did fulfill their contractual obligations in different parts of this massive company having nothing to do with the real problem that took place in the financial products division.

“We probably owe them an apology and, even more than that, we owe them a remedy for the damage we look like we have been engaging in.”

Mr Ackerman did not spell out what he meant but I took him to be saying that the House was too sweeping in drafting last week’s bill. Mr Ackerman represents a New York district which is home to a lot of Wall Street employees.

His district covers not only Queens but the North Shore of Long Island, and thus encompasses Great Neck, the model for West Egg in Scott Fitzgerald’s The Great Gatsby.

Later on, Stephen Lynch, a Democrat from Massachusetts, emphasised that he did not “dispute bonuses generally, but in this particular case (AIG).” That would be fine, except that the House bill would affect bonuses for all institutions receiving public funds.

I suspect that the House, having calmed down a bit and listened to some more voters, may be in a mood to soften its assault.

Update: this Wall Street Journal story provides evidence that I was not just imagining the change of tone.

John Gapper

On the day that Rajan Tata gave details of the world’s cheapest car - the 100,000 Rupee Nano – I went to the US unveiling of what promises to be one of the most expensive: the new Rolls-Royce 200EX.

It took place in the glossy glass-enclosed Frank Gehry-designed headquarters of IAC, the Barry Diller-run internet group, and felt like a throwback to when the credit boom was going strong and Rolls-Royces were being snapped up everywhere from China to Russia.

Nothing is sacrosanct these days, however, and Tom Purves, chief executive of Rolls-Royce, a subsidiary of BMW, admitted as much. The company had “seen a significant softness in some areas” of demand since last autumn, he said.

I suppose that is not surprising since, as Mr Purves phrased it, buying a Rolls-Royce Phantom for between $350,000 and $450,000 in the US is “a celebration of success”. Just now, there is less success to celebrate and more failure to mourn.

Still, I have heard the argument that the assorted entrepreneurs, financiers and oligarchs who buy Rolls-Royces are so rich that they are above minor concerns such as the lack of credit to lease or buy cars. So I quizzed Graeme Grieve, Rolls-Royce’s, sales director, on what is going on.

Rolls-Royce had a good 2008 since it tends to build cars on demand and it had an order backlog for most of last year. Sales rose 20 per cent from 1,010 cars in 2007 (this is a bespoke business) to 1,212 in 2009.

Mr Grieve admitted that it was unlikely to match 2008 sales this year – it has already cut 50 days out of its 2009 production schedule – and would be happy to top the 2007 level.

He said the first signs of weakness had emerged in Asia last autumn and had spread to the US by the end of the year, which is an interesting reversal of the credit crunch pattern.

Mr Grieve put this down not so much to Rolls-Royce buyers becoming poor but to them having to return to their businesses to fix them rather than rewarding themselves by buying a big car with which to enjoy retirement.

The 200EX, a prototype that is smaller and sportier than the Phantom models, is expected to be launched as the Rolls-Royce 4 next year. During the event, Mr Purves announced new details of the car’s engine that I am afraid I did not understand.

Since it is expected to sell for about $280,000, I did, however, calculate that you could buy about 140 Tata Nanos for a single Rolls-Royce 4.

Whether it is worth it, I cannot say. I did sit in the car, which smelt of very expensive leather and was extremely comfortable. It may be smaller than the Phantom but you will be relieved to hear that there is plenty of legroom in the back.

While sitting in the back I tested out an experimental new feature, which is an arm that pops out between the rear seats and holds on to a lady’s handbag (or a man’s one too, I suppose). It was very ingenious and decadent. Just what the customer ordered.

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This blog is mainly about business and strategy and how and why people who run companies take the decisions that they do.

Most of the time, John Gapper is in New York and Andrew Hill is in London. We occasionally debate business issues between us, but your comments and criticism are welcome.




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About John and Andrew

John Gapper is an associate editor and the chief business commentator of the FT. He has worked for the FT since 1987, covering labour relations, banking and the media. He is co-author, with Nicholas Denton, of All That Glitters, an account of the collapse of Barings in 1995.

Andrew Hill is an associate editor and the management editor of the FT. He is a former City editor, financial editor, comment and analysis editor, New York bureau chief, foreign news editor and correspondent in Brussels and Milan.

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