Monthly Archives: June 2010

John Gapper

Joe Cassano has been invisible for so long – since the 2008 crisis, the former head of AIG’s now-notorious  financial products division has not given a media interview and is only rarely photographed – that it was a revelation to watch his appearance on Capitol Hill.

Mr Cassano’s mystique was such, and the expectations of him so low, that my first impression was that he was a good witness. His co-operative, friendly, somewhat geeky demeanour in front of the Financial Crisis Inquiry Commission was unlike that of a brash master of the universe.

This helped him in his striking assertion that AIGFP, which made multi-billion dollar mark-to-market losses on its portfolio of credit default swaps and turned AIG into the dark heart of the financial crisis, did not make any mistakes in credit risk management.

John Gapper

If you were investing in an initial public offering, would you not want the company’s chairman, chief executive and “product architect” – the most important individual to the enterprise – at least to work full-time?

I ask this because Elon Musk, the chairman and chief executive of Tesla Motors, the electric car maker that held its Nasdaq IPO successfully on Tuesday, does not.

Mr Musk is already a controversial figure, having admitted just before the IPO that he had run out of cash as a result of investing $74m of his money into Tesla, and being in the middle of a messy divorce. His wife Justine Musk has been adding her own thoughts about Tesla on her blog.

The IPO prospectus has this to say about Mr Musk:

“Although Mr Musk spends significant time with Tesla and is highly active in our management, he does not devote his full time and attention to Tesla. Mr Musk also currently serves as chief executive officer and chief technical officer of Space Exploration Technologies, a developer and manufacturer of space launch vehicles and chairman of SolarCity, a solar equipment installation company . . .

“Mr Musk is currently engaged in divorce proceedings and previously entered intoa  post-nuptual agreement which provides that the holdings of the trust, including Mr Musk’s share of our capital stock, shall remain solely his property. This post-nuptual agreement has been upheld by the Superior Court of Los Angeles though such decision may be subject to an appeal . . .

“However, we do not believe that the divorce proceedings will result in Mr Musk owning less than 65 per cent of the capital stock held by him . . . We do not expect the divorce proceedings to have a material impact on Mr Musk’s ability to serve as our chief executive officer and chairman.”

Tesla investors should consider all this carefully, I think.

John Gapper

Small corporate earthquake, not many dead seems to be the outcome of the Supreme Court’s ruling on the 2002 Sarbanes-Oxley Act.

There were fears that the Supreme Court could strike down the whole of Sarbanes-Oxley as part of its ruling on the Public Company Accounting Oversight Board, rendering all of US post-Enron corporate reform legislation null and void.

In the event, the conservative majority on the court did not even declare the PCAOB unconstitutional. It simply insisted on the way PCAOB officials can be dismissed being changed.

The PCAOB was always a strange beast, being neither a self-regulatory organisation nor an official arm of the federal government, like the Securities and Exchange Commission. The court objected to the fact that the US president lacked full hire and fire power over the board’s officials.

Chief Justice John Roberts wrote in the majority opinion:

Unlike the self-regulatory organisations, however, the board is a government-created, government-appointed entity, with expansive powers to govern an entire industry . . .

As [James] Madison stated on the floor of the First Congress, “if any power whatsoever is in its nature Executive, it is the power of appointing, overseeing and controlling those who execute the laws.”

The board will not disappear as a result of the ruling however. Instead, the SEC will gain increased powers to remove its members at will.

In other words, for most practical purposes, as you were.

John Gapper

The financial services bill that has emerged from Congress, and will probably now pass the Senate and the House of Representatives looks like as decent a compromise as anyone might have expected.

The US method of lawmaking – lobbying and jockeying in two different legislatures followed by a marathon sausage-making session in which one clause is traded off against another – is not pretty.

We shall have to wait to see how many unintended consequences emerge from the 2,000 page bill, as they did with the Sarbanes-Oxley Act after it became law.

On the face of it, however, the result is acceptable. The worst parts appear to have been sufficiently diluted while the essential elements remain intact.

This said, I would have preferred different outcomes – one which banks would have liked less and another they would have like more – in two vital areas.

First, the Volcker rule on banks having to spin off private equity and hedge fund operations was relaxed in a way that I don’t think it should have been. The provision as enacted still allows big commercial banks to engage in a limited amount of such activities.

Second, Blanche Lincoln’s strange idea that banks should have to spin off their swaps operations remains in the final bill, with a final twist of illogicality.

They will now be able to trade some forms of financial derivatives, such as interest rate and currency swaps as part of their main activities but spin off the trading of others – commodity and energy derivatives, for example, into separate affiliates.

We are told that the former are “less risky”. It sounds to me an awful lot more like Ms Lincoln, who chairs the Senate agriculture committee, has guarded her own turf.

John Gapper

Reading the Supreme Court’s judgments finding fault with the convictions of Jeff Skilling of Enron and Conrad Black, it is clear that Congress must act to close a loophole in the law.

Although the Supreme Court decision narrowing the “honest services” category of wire fraud to bribery and kickbacks is well-argued, the US needs to include fair dealing as well.

The convictions of Skilling nor Black are not voided by the decision – Skilling, for example, was convicted in 2006 on 19 counts including conspiracy and securities fraud – but the linked judgments are still significant victories for them both.

Justice Ruth Bader Ginsberg writes in the Skilling decision that, “if Congress desires to go further [than bribery and kickbacks] it must speak more clearly than it has.”

Congress should take up her invitation because senior executives who enrich themselves with stock option schemes etc by deliberately deceiving investors ought to be liable for it.

When executives profit by misleading investors about the health of a company, they are not providing “honest services” under any fair definition. They do not need to be bribed because they can make plenty of money – running into tens (sometimes hundreds) of millions of dollars – without any kickback.

The Supreme Court is correct that “honest services” has been unconstitutionally vague, but the solution to that is to be more specific, not to limit the charge to bribery and kickbacks.

The Skilling judgment can be read here, and the Black judgment here.

John Gapper

Luke Johnson has a great column in the FT – written from experience – on why large companies are more prone to infighting and less enjoyable places to work.

He writes:

It is a curious aspect of human existence that tribes of people reserve their greatest hatred not for a truly foreign foe, living a great distance away. No – the nastiest contests are with your immediate neighbour, the bully at school or at work you really detest. You are likely to experience more of that in a big company than a smaller, founder-owned one. So one compelling reason why entrepreneurs win is that they are more efficient, wasting less energy on office politics.

I don’t argue with this as a generalisation but he skates over one of the interesting issues about companies – that they have distinctive cultures which are often little to do with size or even the industry they are in. Some are co-operative while others are riven with conflict and intrigue.

Big companies have to work hard to imbue a co-operative culture and not to reward divisive behaviour, and this is one of managers’ trickiest tasks. Being open and collaborative places makes them not only pleasant places to work, but often more productive.

Before it entered its current travails Goldman Sachs was widely – and I think correctly – admired by rivals on Wall Street for having a partnership culture rather than the every-person-for-himself approach common at other banks.

If more large companies thought of their competitors as the upstarts that could encroach on them, rather than similarly sized rivals, it might encourage such a culture.

John Gapper

Over-expansion is something that bedevils many public companies, particularly retailers. Under stock market pressure to keep growing rapidly, they lose the quality that originally set them apart.

That has been a problem for many companies, including McDonald’s and Starbucks. It also led to the firing of Mickey Drexler, the former chief executive of Gap, in 2002. Mr Drexler has now made an impressive return to form at J.Crew.

He reflects on what went wrong in an article by Tina Gaudoin in the Wall Street Journal magazine:

“I got too ambitious; the Gap got huge,” says Drexler, who was once quoted as saying that he wanted Gap to be as ubiquitous as Coke. “That was a stupid comparison,” he says now. Does he regret what happened? “. . . As the CEO, the buck stops with me. I should have fought harder for more conservative growth and expansion. If I had to do it again, I think that’s what I’d do different. And by the way, there’s nothing wrong with being fired.”

But [Howard] Davidowitz [a retail consultant] believes Drexler’s notorious gut instinct got the better of him: “He was too gutsy. There was a little bit of hubris. When things are bad, you have to take a step back. He kept piling it on – inventory, stores. He knew it was bad. Everyone did. And he’s learned a lesson. I’ve noticed how careful he’s been with expanding at J. Crew.”

Mr Drexler has cannily managed to turn J.Crew into something of a cult brand – recommended on television by Michelle Obama – while growing at a more manageable pace.

Still, it remains one of the competitive advantages of private equity firms – they can take public companies that have lost their way and restore them, free of the immediate pressure for sales growth.

John Gapper

Oprah Winfrey and Richard and Judy beware, there is a new television chat show figure who dominates the best-seller book list – Glenn Beck, the conspiracy-minded right-wing Fox News host.

Mr Beck’s power to propel thrillers to the top of the bestseller lists by recommending them to his devoted audience has been noted before but he has now managed to put Friedrich Hayek up there too.

Mediaite noted this week that the Amazon bestseller list on Thursday had Mr Beck’s own political thriller The Overton Window at number one, and Hayek’s classic 1944 anti-socialist text The Road to Serfdom in second place.

Mr Beck is known for his involved, often funny, diatribes against government and liberals on his Fox News show and he recommended The Road to Serfdom there last week.

As Glynnis MacNicol of Mediate points out, a book being recommended on television is a highly effective way for publishers to sell more copies. It is also free, compared with paying incentive fees to retailers led by Barnes & Noble and Amazon to feature a book at the front of store (or website home page).

Mr Beck has become publishers’ new best friend.

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This blog is mainly about business and strategy and how and why people who run companies take the decisions that they do.

Most of the time, John Gapper is in New York and Andrew Hill is in London. We occasionally debate business issues between us, but your comments and criticism are welcome.




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About John and Andrew

John Gapper is an associate editor and the chief business commentator of the FT. He has worked for the FT since 1987, covering labour relations, banking and the media. He is co-author, with Nicholas Denton, of All That Glitters, an account of the collapse of Barings in 1995.

Andrew Hill is an associate editor and the management editor of the FT. He is a former City editor, financial editor, comment and analysis editor, New York bureau chief, foreign news editor and correspondent in Brussels and Milan.

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