Monthly Archives: October 2007

By Martin Wolf

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Energy security and climate change are two of the most significant challenges confronting humanity. What we see, in response, is the familiar capture of policymaking by well-organised special interests. A superb example is the flood of subsidies for biofuels. These are farm programmes masquerading as answers to energy insecurity and climate change. Not surprisingly, they have the depressing characteristics of such programmes: high protection, open-ended support to producers, and indifference to economic rationality.

Already the support in members of the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development costs about $13bn to $15bn a year. But this sum generates much less than 3 per cent of the overall supply of liquid transport fuel. To bring the biofuel share to 30 per cent, as some propose, would cost at least $150bn a year and probably more, as marginal costs rose.

Someone needed to take a close look at the rationality of all these supports. An excellent report from the Global Subsidies Initiative of the International Institute for Sustainable Development does just that. It does not tell a pretty story.

The remainder of this column can be read here. Debate from our guest economists appears below.

By Lawrence Summers

The falling dollar generates anxiety almost everywhere. Americans and those dependent on American growth worry about the proverbial "hard landing" as inflation and interest rates rise with a weakening dollar, causing asset prices and output to fall. Europeans and others with currencies that float freely against the dollar worry that their currencies will bear a disproportionate share of the dollar’s decline and appreciate too far, leading to competitiveness problems. The falling dollar risks rising inflation, asset bubbles and the loss of macroeconomic control in countries that have tied their currencies to the dollar’s sagging mast.

The dollar’s decline may provoke anxiety but it should not be a surprise to anyone who has followed the global economy in recent years. History suggests that periods when a country’s economy turns down, short-term interest rates are declining and financial strains are increasing are likely to be periods when a nation’s currency depreciates. Moreover the US current account has for years now been financing consumption rather than investment, with the financing coming increasingly from debt rather than equity and shorter rather than longer-term debt.

The remainder of this column can be read here. Debate from our guest economists appears below.

The writer is the Charles W. Eliot professor at Harvard University.

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Small earthquake: few hurt. This is what the International Monetary Fund is saying in its latest World Economic Outlook: world output grew 5.4 per cent last year and will grow 5.2 per cent this year and 4.8 per cent in 2008, only 0.4 percentage points less than expected last July. What conclusion, then, are we to draw? Is a substantial financial shock at the core of the world economy nigh on irrelevant? The answer is: maybe so, but there are also appreciable risks.

According to the IMF, the world is in the midst of a period of growth unrivalled since the early 1970s. Between 2004 and 2008, it forecasts, global growth will average 5.1 per cent a year and the rate of growth of world output per head will average 4 per cent (see chart). The driver of global growth has been emerging economies in general and Asian emerging economies in particular. Between 2004 and 2008, says the IMF, growth of emerging economies will average 7.8 per cent a year, while high-income countries will average only 2.7 per cent. Never before has world growth been so much higher than that of high-income countries.

The remainder of this column can be read here. Debate from our guest economists appears below.

Globalisation was supposed to mean the worldwide triumph of the market economy. Yet some of the most influential players are turning out to be states, not private actors. States play a dominant role in ownership and production of raw materials, notably oil and gas. Now states are also emerging as owners of wealth. This is creating widespread concern. Does that narrow focus make sense? The broad answer is No.

Fevered attention is currently focused on so-called "sovereign wealth funds". As Standard Chartered shows in an intriguing analysis, carried out with input from Oxford Analytica, these are not a new phenomenon: the oldest dates back to 1953. But today there are more funds, with far more money at their disposal than before. In all, they control some $2,200bn, with $2,100bn in the top 20 funds. The seven biggest belong (in order of estimated size) to Abu Dhabi ($625bn), Norway ($322bn), Singapore – GIC ($215bn), Kuwait ($213bn), China ($200bn), Russia ($128bn) and Singapore – Temasek ($108bn).

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By definition, these funds exist because a country has a surplus of savings over investment that ends up in the hands of the government. In practice, this has happened for two reasons: ownership of commodity wealth (particularly oil and natural gas), and what amounts to forced savings from an export-oriented manufacturing economy, as in the cases of China and Singapore.

The remainder of the column can be read here . Comment from our expert panellists appears below.

The world economy is in its fourth year of buoyant growth. It has survived a host of perils: collapsing stock markets, terrorism, wars, soaring prices of oil and other commodities, protectionist pressures, a failing round of multilateral trade negotiations and persistent "global imbalances".

Yet new challenges are emerging – notably, this summer’s crisis in credit markets and the weakness in the US housing market – that may prove harder to cope with. At best, big adjustments lie ahead. At worst, the world economy may face a period of upheaval.

The driving forces behind today’s buoyant world economy are globalisation and the entry of countries with almost limitless human resources. China and India contain between them not far short of two-fifths of the world’s human population. The developing countries of east and south Asia contain slightly more than half of all the people on the planet and more than three times as many people as do all of today’s high-income countries.

The entry of these nations into the modern world economy is an event that falls short only of the industrial revolution in significance.

Driven by the collapse in the costs of collecting and communication of information, the low costs of transport by sea and air and ongoing economic liberalisation, the new players are becoming increasingly significant in world output, trade, consumption of resources and supply of capital.

In the first decade of the third millennium, the growth of the advanced countries has been remarkably weak. What has been outstanding is the soaring growth of the emerging economies. Never before has the gap between the performance of emerging and advanced countries been so large.

The remainder of the column can be read here. Comment from our expert panellists appears below.

For China’s rulers through the ages, stability has been the chief objective.

The same is true for the Communist party today. For the current government, however, economic stability matters most of all. Yet observers of the Chinese economy, both at home and abroad, now worry that what looms ever closer is instability in its most dangerous guise – that of inflation. Are they right to do so? Probably not, is the answer.

Consumer price inflation did hit 6.5 per cent year-on-year in August, the highest rate in 11 years, largely because of a 49 per cent surge in meat and poultry prices. One much-respected Chinese economist remarked last month that "we have entered a very delicate stage of our development". He is convinced, moreover, that true inflation is far higher than what he regards as the government’s over-optimistic figures.

Albert Keidel of the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace takes a similarly alarmist view. He writes that "China’s economy today looks much as it did before the inflationary catastrophes of 1988-1989 and 1993-96". The first of these episodes contributed hugely to the protests that culminated in Tiananmen Square in Beijing in 1989. The second ended up with inflation at more than 20 per cent, the sacking of the governor of the central bank and a big jump in interest rates.

Mr Keidel makes three points: first, while the price increases have indeed been limited to food, these remain of large importance to Chinese consumers, particularly to the urban Chinese; second, inflation is already visible in the data on nominal gross domestic product, which is growing at between 6 and 7 per cent a year faster than the government’s estimates of real GDP; and, finally, real interest rates on deposits are negative, which is likely to encourage the Chinese to spend at least a part of their huge holdings.

The remainder of the article can be read here . Comment from our expert panellists appears below.

Never before have emerging economies been in such a good position to sustain demand during a global downturn. Never before, too, has this been more important for the whole world. But the fact that a line of action is feasible and desirable does not mean it will happen. Optimists believe the emerging economies have decoupled at last. But such optimism may yet prove unhinged.

The cheerful view rests on two propositions: first, the slowdown in US demand will be quite mild; and, second, emerging market economies – and particularly the largest among them – are strong enough to respond effectively. As a result, the world is going to see a passing of the demand baton from the US and, so, benign adjustment of “global imbalances”.

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On the prospects for the US, the September issue of Consensus Economics was optimistic: 2 per cent growth this year, followed by a recovery to 2.4 per cent in 2008. Goldman Sachs forecasts 1.8 per cent growth next year. But this pessimism is not universal: JPMorgan forecasts 2.6 per cent in 2008. The big point is that prospects have become uncertain: the impact of the credit freeze may be mild, but may also be severe. US policymakers do, however, have room for manoeuvre: lower interest rates and even a fiscal boost would follow economic weakness.

The remainder of the column can be read here. Comment from our expert panellists appears below

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