Monthly Archives: January 2010

Martin Wolf is writing for the FT’s Davos blog. Here is a copy of his third entry.

Here are further glimpses of the Davos kaleidoscope.

First, my friend Moises Naim, editor of Foreign Policy, gave me a new acronym on the global recovery. It is LUV. The L is for the L-shaped recovery of the European economies. The U is for the U-shaped recovery of the US economy. The V is for the shape of the recovery of big emerging economies.

This looks depressingly right to me. In particular, the eurozone seems to have decided on an adjustment to its huge internal imbalances that is loaded entirely on the weak countries of the periphery. But the periphery cannot adjust if the core – namely, Germany – does not adjust too, by expanding demand. Neither the ECB nor the German government seems to understand this simple point, though one coalition partner – the FDP – does seem to do so.

Martin’s column – “Volcker’s axe is not enough to cut banks to size” – drew many responses. Here is a selection of them:

Robert Johnson:

How does one set up a shadow banking system safety net/stabilizing mechanism? Shin at Princeton, Perry Mehrling, at Columbia Barnard and a few others are delving into this.

The part of the Volcker Rule that I find suprising is the notion that one can credibly keep financial institutions out of the safety net when they are large or heavily intertwined. They keep their prop
trading desk and go outside the net until a crisis occurs and then they are right back in at the trough and no policy maker will let them crash for fear of systemic contagion.

I am being led to a view that the scope of guarantees must be large and the ex ante restrictions on the asset side of the balance sheet, (Composition, activities, diversification limits) is the way to go. Acknowledge the pervasive externalities that financial spillovers to the real economy represent and then use that to justify prior restraint. Widespread guarantees must be accompanied by detection of capital deficiency that is timely. Otherwise the banks scale relative to GDP may make these guarantees unsupportable.

The political economy of passage is another thing entirely.

Mickey D. Levy, chief economist, Bank of America:

Martin, I have two comments on your thoughtful article. First, my read is loan demand has fallen significantly, and is more a factor than banks’ tighter lending standards. In the US, this decline in loan demand reflects the extraordinary reductions in nonfinancial business operating costs, inventories, and capital spending, along with the dramatic rise in corporate bond issuance in place of bank lending. Load demand always lag the economic cycle and declines during economic recoveries (C&I loans are a component of the index of lagging indicators), and in the past have not inhibited prior recoveries. Loan demand eventually will rise, but the lags may be longer this cycle, reflecting ongoing deleveraging. In this context, some regulatory reforms that would accelerate deleveraging need to be implemented over an appropriate period of time in order to avoid continued declines in money multipliers and threaten the economic recoveries.
Second, following banks’ lapses, they have dramatically improved their risk management (and management information systems, etc.) in many critical areas, so as you emphasize in your last paragraph, the best approach is to take the time now to do the detailed work so that we end out with an effective financial regulatory apparatus rather than moving hurriedly into adopting policies that have unintended negative consequences for economic performance.

Wimroffel:

I disagree with much of this article.

One of the arguments is that many European countries won’t follow. But to understand this one has to consider that Europe and Japan have different relations between government and the banks. Where in the US the financial sector more or less dictates the financial policy in Europe and Japan it is the opposite: banks have long served as implementors of government policies. So in Europe and Japan there was much less need for restrictions to achieve responsible behavior from the banks. The effort to create an European financial market may change that but that is another story.

The claim that Europe is wedded to large banks has its limits. Iceland illustrated that banks can become too big for a country. The UK now has serious doubts whether its financial sector is too big to support. I see the same here in Holland when it comes to ING Direct.

Much of the recent financial crisises center around highly leveraged institutions like LTCM and Lehman Brothers. There has been discussion about some kind of clearance system to force them to keep enough reserves. Forcing banks to keep high reserves for loans to such institutions would have some effect too. But the fact is that for the moment we just have to wait whether and when Obama will anounce measures for this aspect of the problem.

Would it really be possible to draw and police a line between legitimate activities of banks and activities “unrelated to serving their customers”? I would expect bookkeeping rules that make it unattractive for banks to have engage more in such activities than strictly necessary for their core business.

Martin Wolf ends discussing “shadow banking”. But the concept stays shadowy and with that its usefullness. It looks like he gathers under this concept a lot of activities, some of which are benificial, others which are definitely not. This makes it impossible to say anything sensible about it.

Martin’s response:

I don’t want to comment on what has been written in response to my piece, except to say that it is excellent stuff, from many different points of view.

I would note that there is one big divide among the serious analysts.

One group thinks that the key is to define and then carve out a set of institutions and practices that are safe, responsible and economically important. Let us call these the commercial banks. The rest – the shadow banking system of trading, securitisation and all the rest – can then be left to do its thing. It will live and die by the market.

The second group thinks this divide is unworkable. In the end, the government will never let huge parts of the credit system collapse, as we found out in late 2008. So whatever is decided must cover the entire system in an effective manner. This means that any structural solutions must also cover the entire system.

I am of the latter school of thought. My colleague, John Kay, is of the first school of thought.

Briefly, during the takeover bid for Cadbury by Kraft, I thought the UK might proclaim a “strategic chocolate” doctrine. Fortunately, that did not happen. Less fortunately, if history is any guide, the takeover of Cadbury is quite likely to be a flop. If so, the winners will be the shareholders of Cadbury, the advisers for both sides and those who arranged the loans. The right question, then, is not about chocolate. It is about the market in corporate control itself.

For high priests of Anglo-American capitalism, this question is heresy. They would insist that shareholders own the business and have a right to dispose of their property as they see fit. They would add that an active market in corporate control is an essential element in “shareholder value maximisation”, on which an efficient market economy rests. Yet, after financial markets have gone so spectacularly awry, the question whether companies should be left to the markets is being raised.

The remainder of this article can be read here. Please post comments below.

Martin Wolf is writing for the FT’s Davos blog. Here is a copy of his second entry.

Another weird day has passed. But all days at Davos are weird. One never knows what is going on, except for the fact that, wherever one is, one would be far better off somewhere else.

The highlight of yesterday evening was the opening address of President Nicolas Sarkozy of France. The speech is so classically French as to be a caricature of itself: bombastic, high-flown and verbose, it addresses a vast range of contemporary challenges, around the grand theme of moralising and containing capitalism. Yet, I have to admit, there is much in it with which I find myself in agreement.

“Purely financial capitalism is a distortion, and we have seen the risks it involves for the world economy. But anti-capitalism is a dead end that is even worse.”

From the FT:
Volcker has the measure of the banks – John Gapper
Why we should expect low growth amid debt – Carmen Reinhart and Kenneth Rogoff
An early warning system for asset bubbles – Charles Roxburgh and Susan Lund
How to make the difference between a bleak future and a bright one – Bill Gates in Davos

From elsewhere:
‘Obama sounded like a good old-fashioned mercantilist’- Economist’s View
Global financial regulatory reform falls apart – Felix Salmon
Dialing back the deflation watch – Free Exchange
A proposal for genuine financial reform – Marshall Auerback via the New America Foundation
Off with their heads – Simon Johnson via Project Syndicate
The Fed’s best man – Alan Blinder via the New York Times

By Roger E.A. Farmer

For the past nine months I have been presenting some new ideas at academic conferences where economists have been grappling with the current financial crisis. Boston, Montreal, Amsterdam, London, Cleveland, Sydney, Atlanta … Only the venues change.  The participants and the papers are always the same.

Martin Wolf is writing for the FT’s Davos blog. Here is a copy of his first entry.

I spent my day being interviewed by other media organisations and preparing my Friday column. So I did not attend any sessions. I rely on the excellent reporting of my colleagues to tell me what is happening in Davos, just like all the other readers of the FT and ft.com. But I have still managed to learn something from chance encounters here.

So what have I learned so far?

First, my criticism of the “Volcker rule” in banking, subject of my column this morning, is controversial. The desire of many non-bankers to cut the bankers down to size is, even here, quite noticeable. Have I gone soft on bankers? I do hope not. But this new addition to the already pressing weight of uncertainty worries me greatly.

Second, the US administration is effectively absent, though Larry Summers will be here later in the week, representing the White House. Whether this absence is because of the State of the Union, Congressional hearings (as in the case of poor Tim Geithner) or a reluctance to be seen junketing with the world’s financial and business elite, I do not know. I suspect the latter.

From the FT:
Why trade war is very likely to break out this year – Michael Pettis
Lessons for the American housing market – Robert Pozen
A very small mercy – Editorial comment
Recovery at risk if contradictory forces collide – Ben Funnell
Short View: Axis of worry shifts to Asia – John Authers

From elsewhere:
The US ‘spending freeze’ in context – Free Exchange
IMF revises up its global economic forecast – IMF Direct
The myth of China’s blithe consensus- Michael Pettis
Meryvn King calls for structural overhaul to banking industry – Naked Capitalism

Ferguson illustration

Today, the people see in the financial sector not the skilful hands of erstwhile masters of the universe, but the grabbing hands of greedy ingrates. It is little wonder, then, that a desperate President Obama, battered by the voters in Massachusetts, has turned upon a group even less popular than his party. He has duly added the axe of Paul Volcker, 82-year-old former chairman of the Federal Reserve, to the regulatory scalpel offered by his Treasury secretary, Tim Geithner.

Mr Volcker is proposing a version of the distinction between commercial and investment banking brought into the US by the Glass-Steagall Act of 1933. In announcing his new proposals last week, Mr Obama referred to a “Volcker Rule” that “banks will no longer be allowed to own, invest, or sponsor hedge funds, private equity funds, or proprietary trading operations for their own profit, unrelated to serving their customers”. Furthermore, added the president: “I’m also proposing that we prevent the further consolidation of our financial system.”

The remainder of this article can be read here. Please post comments below.

By Michael Pomerleano and Andrew Sheng

As the Financial Crisis Inquiry Commission begins looking at the causes of the recent financial crisis, we need to consider that crisis is a failure of governance. Lucian Bebchuk from Harvard Law School has written extensively on the failure of private sector governance: boards that failed to make informed judgments or control the risks incurred by their institutions, self-serving management that lost control over reckless risk taking and compensation systems that invited speculation by traders. Although Sheila Bair, chair of the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation (FDIC), has openly expressed her discontent with the governance of the banks and the FDIC is considering tying premiums to compensation, we are likely to witness the largest bonus season the industry has ever seen.

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