Monthly Archives: May 2010

First comes financial crisis; then comes sovereign debt crisis; then comes financial repression. This is the view of Carmen Reinhart, co-author of This Time is Different, the masterly study of financial crises through the ages. I recently had a fascinating conversation on this topic with her, here in New York, where I have been living since the beginning of April.

So the question for the exchange is: how likely is financial repression? What forms might it take? Might this even be the end of the era of globalised finance?

Her argument is very plausible. It is also supported by the history of both advanced and emerging countries. First, governments encourage credit expansion by the financial sector. As a result, a mountain of bad debt is piled up. Then, at some point, comes panic. At this stage, governments nationalise the liabilities of their financial sector and, more important, find their revenues collapsing, along with the economy. Huge fiscal deficits then emerge and public debt starts to soar. Of course, frequently, governments short-circuit this financial route and simply run huge and unsustainable fiscal deficits in good times. Either way, an unsustainable fiscal position leads, sooner or later, to a sovereign debt crisis, particularly if governments borrow in foreign currencies, short term, or both (as often happens, in such situations).

What do governments do when it becomes expensive to borrow? They promise to mend their ways, of course. But, by now, it is often too late: nobody believes them. So they tell the central bank to buy their bonds, which starts a run on the currency. Pegged exchange rates collapse and floating exchange rates fall. Inflation becomes an imminent threat.

At this point, desperate governments look for ways to force institutions to hold their bonds, willy nilly. This is the point at which financial repression begins: banks are forced to hold government bonds, for “liquidity”; pension funds are forced to hold government bonds, for “safety”; interest rate ceilings are imposed on private lending; to prevent “usury”; and, if all else fails, exchange controls are imposed, to ensure nobody can easily escape from such regulations.

So how likely are such measures in the advanced countries that are now in difficulty? How easily would financial markets find it to evade them? What might governments do in response? Could financial globalisation even disintegrate? This is a subject on which I plan to write a column soon. I look for comments on this theme.

Martin Wolf responds to readers’ comments:

This is a rich discussion. I intend to respond by the end of the week to a few of the many comments. But it is evident that financial repression is here and will grow further. Governments are hopelessly overstretched now in the advanced countries.

Related reading:

Money Supply blog FT
Fiscal Crises and Imperial Collapses: Historical Perspective on Current Predicaments Niall Ferguson via Peterson Institute for International Economics

Update: Read Martin’s final response to readers’ comments.

The question I wish to pose for the next two weeks is whether it is possible for countries to accept large net inflows of capital from abroad, without ending up in crisis. If not, how do we manage a world of capital mobility?

This may seem a rather abstract problem. But I find it among the most important of all challenges confronting the world economy. It is the principal topic of my recent book, Fixing Global Finance (of which an updated edition has recently appeared). The view I have derived from the last three decades of experience is that it is almost an iron rule that, whenever countries run really large and sustained current account deficits (more than 5 per cent of GDP, or so), they end up in financial crisis. Carmen Reinhart and Kenneth Rogoff provide strong support for this view in their recent masterpiece, This Time is Different (Princeton University Press).

That is what happened to the Latin American countries in the debt crisis that erupted in 1982 and to the Asian countries in the crisis that erupted in 1997. It is also what happened in the current financial crisis, whose epicentre has been in countries that ran large current account deficits, notably, the US, Spain, UK and a number of countries in central and eastern Europe. Meanwhile surplus countries were affected indirectly, via losses of export markets and of the value of their assets held abroad.

Why is running current account deficits so dangerous? There are four reasons: first, it often means unsustainable asset price bubbles in the capital-importing country; second, it means unsustainable build-ups of debt in the private and public sectors of the capital-importing economy; third, it often means an unsustainable expansion of the financial system, characterized by excessive leverage and excessive build-ups of risky assets financed by supposedly risk-free liabilities; finally, it also often means a build-up of currency mismatches within the economy, particularly in the financial system, which makes the economy extremely vulnerable to currency collapses.

Mindful of these risks many emerging market economies have tried to insulate themselves, by keeping exchange rates down and recycling current account surpluses. This is one of the reasons that the crisis erupted this time in developed countries. Even the US was not immune. Though it has no problem of currency mismatches and little difficulty in financing external deficits, the financial system was damaged by the implosion of the bubble economy. Of course, as I have argued in previous columns, a similar problem exists within the eurozone, between the surplus and deficit countries. The absence of currency risk merely means that the stresses have emerged as credit risk.

So where do we go from here? The markets, partly driven by cheap money in the developed countries, are now trying to push emerging economies into current account deficit. The latter, in turn, are resisting. Should they continue to do so? After all, this is not costless. By resisting currency appreciation, emerging economies risk higher inflation, instead. On the other hand, emerging countries are right to be concerned about the longer-run consequences of large current account deficits. At the same time, it might ultimately be very disruptive to see huge current account deficits and financial excesses re-emerge in the US.

What, then, are the policy options for taming these extremes? A new global monetary regime? Capital controls? What other ideas do people have?

Martin Wolf responds to readers’ comments:

I don’t feel that many people have attempted to answer my question. Maybe, they didn’t think it was very interesting. One person who did was @ Dave Levy. I am not sure I fully understood his formulation. But there are two general points to be made on external deficits and debt.

The fact that the eurozone is in balance is irrelevant if the surplus countries are unwilling to finance the deficit countries. The current crisis shows they are unwilling to do so. So current account imbalances do matter inside the eurozone, as I have argued on many occasions.

A single currency area with internal capital controls is a very peculiar animal indeed. I would argue that this is an abandonment of the single-currency concept altogether.

There was no way the Greek situation could have been kept quiet in current circumstances. They are on an explosive path. A huge primary fiscal deficit, huge debt levels, a huge current account deficit and real interest rates well above the long-term growth rate are simply an unmanageable combination.

I believe Greece would not be able to borrow now on terms that were available even a few weeks ago. It would have been interesting to see what would have happened in the very near future if the bail-out package had not been offered.

Without official external assistance, Greece would now default.

The right way of thinking about most of what has happened in the last decade is that policy decisions about exchange rates and trade caused the net capital flows, rather than the other way around.

Martin Wolf Exchange

Economic issues

About this blog About Martin Blog guide
On this blog, I will open the discussion of a topic that I am thinking about. My aim will be to elicit views of readers. I will give my own response to the question I have raised, before posting the next issue for discussion.

Martin aims to publish a post twice a week.
Martin Wolf is chief economics commentator at the Financial Times, London. He was awarded the CBE (Commander of the British Empire) in 2000 “for services to financial journalism”. Mr Wolf is an honorary fellow of Nuffield College and of Corpus Christi College, Oxford. He is also an honorary professor at the University of Nottingham. He has been a forum fellow at the annual meeting of the World Economic Forum in Davos since 1999 and a member of its International Media Council since 2006.

Martin was made a Doctor of Letters, honoris causa, by Nottingham University in July 2006 and a Doctor of Science (Economics) of London University, honoris causa, by the London School of Economics in December 2006. He was joint winner of the 2009 award for columns in “giant newspapers” at the 15th annual Best in Business Journalism competition of The Society of American Business Editors and Writers and won the 32nd Ischia International Journalism Prize in 2012. Martin's most recent publications are Why Globalization Works and Fixing Global Finance.
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