Monthly Archives: September 2010

“You can’t cut debt by borrowing.” How often have you read or heard this comment from “austerians” (a nice variant on “Austrians”), who complain about the huge fiscal deficits that have followed the financial crisis?

The obvious response is: so what? Shifting debt from people who cannot support it to those who can – the population at large, both now and in future – seems to make a great deal of sense if the alternative is an economic collapse that leads to a loss of output and investment now and so of income in the long term. Indeed, under the latter alternative, even the fiscal deficits may end up little, if any, smaller if one tries to slash them, as the UK could be about to discover.

Before leaping to that conclusion, however, let us approach the issue of de-leveraging – or debt reduction – analytically. Between 1994 and 2007, total US non-financial private debt rose from 118 per cent of gross domestic product to 173 per cent, the highest level in US history. Over the same period, US financial sector debt rose from 54 per cent of GDP to 115 per cent. A great deal of this leveraging up of the economy (matched elsewhere, notably in the UK) was based on false premises: borrowers and lenders thought that the assets against which they had borrowed would be worth more than turned out to be the case.

How, then, can people reduce their indebtedness or restore their net worth, after an unforeseen fall in asset prices? There are three mechanisms: sale; bankruptcy; and frugality. Let us consider each of these, in turn. But remember that, at the global level, debt cancels out: net debt is zero. So, in paying down debt, one is also reducing credit by an equal amount.

People with assets that they no longer wish to hold and debts they no longer wish to bear, can sell the former to repay the latter. If this is to cancel debt, then the ultimate purchaser needs to be a creditor. Sale makes this a voluntary transaction.

This path to de-leveraging is going to be part of the story. But when the predominant asset is housing, as it is now, the willingness of creditors to purchase will be limited. By and large, people who wish to buy houses are young and have limited liquid assets. Most creditors already own houses. In theory, houses could be sold to cash-rich foreigners. But that, too, is going to be a limited avenue for economy-wide deleveraging in most countries. (In Spain, however, sale to cash-rich foreigners seems a more plausible solution, since much of the past construction was designed for their use.)

The second approach is mass bankruptcy. In this case, creditors are forced to write down their loans to the value of the asset. That is clearly an important part of any de-leveraging. But since highly leveraged financial intermediaries stand between the ultimate creditors (households) and the ultimate debtors (other households), mass bankruptcy is going to wipe out the capital of intermediaries. That is likely to trigger panic, as losses cascade across the financial system.

Last week, I posted a section of a speech I delivered in Seoul at a conference organised by the government of the Republic of Korea on Financial Reform: An Emerging Market Perspective“. This conference was part of the preparation by the South Korean government for the summit of the Group of 20 leading countries, which will take place in Korea in November. This week, I am posting the most important section, on reform. This looks at the twin aspects of the global challenge: macroeconomics and so the global imbalances; and microeconomics and so the regulation of finance.

“What are the priorities for global reform?

“First, the needed rebalancing of the world economy has to be managed, without generating additional crises. That will require a big change in the global monetary system: larger insurance mechanisms for countries hit by crises, via central bank swap lines, and easy access to funds from the International Monetary Fund, including larger allocations of special drawing rights (SDRs).

“Why is this so important? Remember the background to the global imbalances. After the Asian financial crisis, emerging countries moved into current account surplus and recycled the private capital inflow. This was not just the result of private decisions. It was also the result of exchange rate intervention, accumulation of foreign currency reserves and sterilisation of the monetary consequences. Between January 1999 and July 2008, just before the worst of the financial crisis, global foreign currency reserves soared from $1,620bn to $7,150bn. They then fell, modestly, to $6,650bn in March 2009, as they were used to protect their owners from the crisis, before restarting their rise. By June 2010, reserves had reached $8,430bn. Thus, we have had the spectacle of a massive and ongoing capital outflow from relatively poor countries into the liabilities of rich countries and, in particular, of the US government. This turned out to be a disaster: the rich countries were unable to use these resources. They are still unable to use these resources.

“It is also vital to understand what is at stake. If the rebalancing does not occur, there is a very good chance of what I call “macroeconomic protectionism” of a kind recommended by John Maynard Keynes in the depths of the Great Depression. What is macroeconomic protectionism? It is the attempt to shift inadequate aggregate demand onto one’s own output. Deliberate attempts to keep exchange rates down are a form of macroeconomic protectionism. But so would be across-the-board tariffs. If the US economy does not recover, such protectionism seems disturbingly likely.

“Second, what, broadly speaking, needs to be done to reduce the likelihood of a breakdown of the financial system? The broad answer is: control finance better or frighten it more. But, since we have rescued all the systemically significant institutions and so their creditors, we have removed much of the fear. Yes, some of those who worked at – or lent to -the “sacrificial Lehman” lost a great deal of money. But almost everybody else is still alive and very much kicking.

“The big lesson bankers should, alas, learn is to get into trouble with all the other bankers. As Keynes famously said, “”A sound banker is one who, when he is ruined, is ruined in a conventional and orthodox way, so that no one can really blame him.” John Maynard Keynes, “The Consequences to the Banks of the Collapse of Money Values”, 1931. You can then be sure of being saved, particularly if yours is a big and interconnected bank. This, of course, creates a lethal moral hazard. It can only be dealt with by making bankruptcy of such institutions more credible. Efforts are being made in that direction, via “living wills” and “resolution regimes”. Whether they will work in a crisis is an open question. In the end, it is unclear that we will be able to impose normal market disciplines on the financial system.”So can we then at least curb the excesses of the financial system by regulation? This is what we would probably have to do: raise capital requirements dramatically – and I mean dramatically – with a strong bias against large “too big to fail” institutions; ensure institutions are adequately liquid or possess assets that central banks can easily and readily discount; and put much of the trading onto exchanges or at least central clearing houses, to reduce the uncertainty created by the risks of failure of counterparties. I see this as an exercise in trying to make the “nodes” of the financial system and the “network” safer.

“Some propose much more radical solutions. John Kay, for example, a fellow columnist on the FT, has proposed narrow banking, with separation of deposit taking from credit creation. The disadvantage is that the entire credit system would be outside the banking system. It is highly likely that the government would still respond to a collapse, as the US government responded to the collapse of its so-called “shadow banking system”. A still more radical proposal is “Limited Purpose Banking”, in which all financial institutions, except partnerships, become mutual funds, with all risk borne by the suppliers of the funds. This would eliminate the pretence that thinly capitalised institutions can finance risky long-term assets with riskless and often short-term liabilities. Limited Purpose Banking, proposed by Larry Kotlikoff of Boston University, would end it and, with it, the financial system as we know it. This is surely too radical for most people to contemplate.

“At the least we can try to make our economy safer, by discouraging banks from engaging in risky trading, by greatly increasing the capital required against trading positions, and eliminating the fiscal incentives for borrowing throughout the economy. The former suggestion seems simpler than reintroducing a distinction between commercial banking and investment banking that is now extremely hard to draw and was, in any case, unique to the US.

“Yet, in attempting to tighten up regulation of a financial sector drowning in moral hazard – a problem far worse now, after the rescues, than before, when rescue was more uncertain – we must remember the other big lesson: beware the perverse consequences of regulation. Some of the biggest disasters – the creation of huge numbers of off-balance-sheet vehicles, the manufacture of va\st numbers of pseudo-AAA assets via structured finance, and the gatekeeper role of the rating agencies – were all a perverse consequence of regulation. It is not just a question of ensuring that regulation makes things better. It is still more about ensuring it does not make them even worse. We know that the financial sector will do everything it can to evade regulations. Can the regulators hope to be ahead of them? I very much doubt it.

“In short, with what we know to be grossly inadequate market discipline and the perverse consequences of regulation, we still have a huge problem. The financial system is a huge cuckoo in the global economic nest. We have barely survived this crisis – the biggest of all the crises of the past three decades. Can we survive the next?”

Well, can we? What do readers think?

Last week I went to South Korea, to give the opening keynote speech at a conference organised by the government of the Republic of Korea on “Financial Reform: An Emerging Market Perspective“. This conference was part of the preparation by the South Korean government for the summit of the Group of 20 leading countries, which will take place in Korea in November. An objective of the South Korean government is to focus attention on the perspective of emerging economies on the crisis.

Below I provide the section of my speech on some lessons of the crisis for emerging countries.

“What should emerging countries take from this crisis, apart from a great deal of what the Germans call ‘Schadenfreude’ (pleasure in others’ pain), as they watch the advanced countries that lectured them so haughtily during their own crises make an even bigger and more inexcusable mess, in the run up to the crisis and the scramble to put the pieces back together. Pride has, indeed, gone before a fall. We all now know that financial crises can occur anywhere, even in countries able to borrow easily in their own currencies. We all now know that, in such a crisis, governments come to the rescue of their financial systems, moral hazard regardless. We all now know that there are no teachers, only students who refuse to learn the lessons of financial fragility.

“I would suggest that the emerging economies should learn the following additional lessons.

“First, the risks of financial crisis will not disappear as their countries continue to develop. It will always remain with them. These risks can be managed if and only if policy-makers remain aware of it. Complacency is always the great danger. It is precisely when everybody – including regulators – believes that nothing can go wrong that it will. Remember, above all, that individual institutions have no interest in securing systemic stability. That is a public good. Behaviour – both in the boom and the bust – that increases the riskiness of the system as a whole will not be internalised by individual actors.

“Second, countries must pay close attention to the global ambitions of their financial sectors. To me, among the most painful lesson of this crisis was that taxpayers stood behind the activities of their countries’ financial institutions, wherever those took place. This is surely intolerable. People can understand the need to stand behind institutions that provide finance at home. But why should they support institutions which intermediate among foreigners? Taxpayer support and global reach are simply incompatible and ultimately unsustainable. Either the institutions become more national or they must stand credibly on their own two feet. A global financial system underpinned by national taxpayers will not stand.

“Third, the old days of export-led growth and current account surpluses are surely gone. For much of the post-second world war era, successive waves of emerging countries have used the US market as a platform for rapid development. With the post-Asian crisis determination to accumulate foreign currency reserves and the rise of China, the camel’s back has been broken. We are likely to have a long period of slow growth of US consumption. The same is likely to be true in western Europe and Japan. Moreover, the advanced countries, as a whole, are likely to go into current account surplus. With the oil surpluses surely continuing, this means that non-oil emerging countries, as a group, are likely to go into current account deficit. The present high level of foreign currency reserves – the insurance fund built up during the “noughties” – makes this far less dangerous than before. But shifting to a reliance on internal demand is going to be a big challenge. It is going to be a particularly big challenge for China, the dominant surplus country.”

What do you think emerging countries should take from the crisis?

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About this blog About Martin Blog guide
On this blog, I will open the discussion of a topic that I am thinking about. My aim will be to elicit views of readers. I will give my own response to the question I have raised, before posting the next issue for discussion.

Martin aims to publish a post twice a week.
Martin Wolf is chief economics commentator at the Financial Times, London. He was awarded the CBE (Commander of the British Empire) in 2000 “for services to financial journalism”. Mr Wolf is an honorary fellow of Nuffield College and of Corpus Christi College, Oxford. He is also an honorary professor at the University of Nottingham. He has been a forum fellow at the annual meeting of the World Economic Forum in Davos since 1999 and a member of its International Media Council since 2006.

Martin was made a Doctor of Letters, honoris causa, by Nottingham University in July 2006 and a Doctor of Science (Economics) of London University, honoris causa, by the London School of Economics in December 2006. He was joint winner of the 2009 award for columns in “giant newspapers” at the 15th annual Best in Business Journalism competition of The Society of American Business Editors and Writers and won the 32nd Ischia International Journalism Prize in 2012. Martin's most recent publications are Why Globalization Works and Fixing Global Finance.
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