Category: Development

World Weekly climate change special: the Durban summit

In a World Weekly special on climate change, guest host Clive Cookson, science editor, is joined by Pilita Clark, environment correspondent, and Chris Giles, economics editor, to discuss how the conflict between the industrialised and emerging economies is shaping the discussions at the climate change summit in South Africa.

Also on the show, Richard McGregor, Washington bureau chief, and Leslie Hook, Beijing correspondent, examine how trade in renewable energy technologies is raising new disputes between the two key countries at the talks.

Nicolas Sarkozy, French president and G20 host, blows a kiss to someone - presumably not the Greek prime minister (AFP/Getty)

  • Welcome back to the FT’s live coverage of the eurozone crisis. By Tom Burgis and John Aglionby on the news desk in London, with contributions from correspondents around the world. All times are GMT.

One issue dominates the agenda for as the Group of 20 leading economies enters its second and final: the fate of the eurozone amid the turmoil in Greece.

16.41: That’s it for the live blog for today. See FT.com over the coming hours for news and analysis on the G20 summit, Berlusconi’s woes and the outcome of tonight’s Greek vote.

16.31: Before we wind up the live blog, a brief re-cap of the day’s developments

  • The IMF is to monitor Italy’s progress on promises to reform its economy
  • Italian bond yields rose to fresh euro-era highs as Berlusconi said he was going nowhere
  • The Italian PM insisted his majority at home was “solid”, though it looks anything but
  • The G20 summit in Cannes ended with plenty of rhetoric urging the euorzone to get its house in order but no actual cash to help it do so
  • Any decision on boosting the IMF’s resources to help tackle the crisis was put of until when G20 finance ministers meet in February
  • Greek MPs are debating a vote of confidence in the government and will vote at midnight Athens time, 10pm London

First in a potentially infinite series. Former Brazilian president Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva given world food prize for undoubtedly impressive Brazilian domestic welfare programme; advances radical notion that hungry people need food; co-opts, or is co-opted by, the aid agency Oxfam.

This must be a different Lula to the one who just got a new head of the United Nations’ Food and Agriculture Organisation installed who defends land-hungry biofuels and whose government helped to block legal restrictions on agricultural export bans, a big cause of volatile food prices in the developing world.

I know there is a tendency to hear what you want to, and I’m clearly not disinterested, but it does seem possible that inequality and dealing with the world’s wrongs may have broken through the side-events into the mainstream this afternoon.

Anybody who talks regularly to Chinese officials will be familiar with the mantra that “China is a developing country”. But Shanghai, which I visited last week, mocks this modest description. With its eight-lane highways, its modern and efficient subway, its forest of neon-lit skyscrapers, giant new airport and chic hotels, China’s commercial capital is defiantly developed.

By Alan Beattie, FT World Trade Editor

To the usual putdowns of the Asia-Pacific Economic Co-operation – “four adjectives in search of a noun” and “A Perfect Excuse to Chat” – my colleague Kevin Brown has added another ahead of this week’s big meeting: “a grouping that speaks for half the global economy but decides almost nothing”. If anything, this is a mild understatement.

Still, Apec has been doing its best to prove its relevance: here is a paper arguing that Apec members see more trade integration amongst themselves than do non-Apec members. It’s careful not to delineate a firm causal link, and just as well – even as it is the paper verges on blatant goalhanging in inviting us to infer some relationship.

More likely is that Apec was lucky enough to include all the countries (Japan, South Korea, Indonesia, Malaysia, Thailand, Singapore, later on China and Vietnam, etc) that organised themselves into the “Factory Asia” disaggregated supply chain – and which was focused on western markets. And not even the actual bilateral trade agreements in the region (as opposed to Apec’s “voluntary” i.e. toothless one) contributed much to that process either (see previous link). Meanwhile,  pace one very vocal advocate, the chances of turning Apec into a proper free trade zone are the square root of Doha.

The best reason for Apec, one east Asian official once confided to me sotto voce, was that it forced the US president to travel to Asia at least once a year. But surely any good CEO visits his biggest suppliers and creditors regularly in any case?

By Alan Beattie, the FT’s world trade editor

“Food security”: one of those infinitely malleable concepts, now to be defined at a UN summit next week. Does it mean self-sufficiency? No, say companies that make lots of money shipping food. Yes, up to a point, say governments with truculent subsidy-guzzling farmers to placate. (The whispering voice of self-interest can be very persuasive.) Meanwhile no doubt the GMO people will say food security means lots more biotech, the greenies will say it’s all to do with the environment and everyone will leave the Rome summit after a frank, robust and (ahem) fruitless exchange of views. If only warm words were edible.

As for all this money supposedly needed (and now apparently going) for agricultural development aid, I must say I’m a touch suspicious, since 1. money is fungible; 2. earmarking assistance for a particular purpose has rightly been going out of fashion in any case. Relabelling existing aid has been raised to such a high art it could almost qualify for a cultural subsidy itself.

Pinn illustration

A writer who projects emotions on to the weather is guilty of the “pathetic fallacy”. But, at the risk of sounding both pathetic and fallacious, it was entirely appropriate that the sky darkened and the thunder cracked as I approached the office of the Latvian prime minister in Riga last week. The gloomy atmosphere reflected the dark mood in a small, embattled country of 2.2m people. While business headlines in the rest of the world speak of clearing skies and rays of sunshine, the Baltic states are still in the midst of a howling economic gale.

Despite the region’s small size, the intensifying crisis in the Baltics cannot be treated as a freakish local squall of little concern to outsiders. Bank failures or plunging currencies in the three Baltic nations – Latvia, Lithuania and Estonia – could threaten the fragile prospect of recovery in the rest of Europe. These countries also sit on one of the world’s most sensitive political fault-lines. They are the European Union’s frontier states, bordering Russia.

The economic downturns in the region are shocking. Last week, Lithuania announced that its economy had shrunk by 22.4 per cent, at an annual rate, during the second quarter of 2009. Latvia and Estonia are likely to record similar falls when they announce their figures. Dalia Grybauskaite, the Lithuanian president, told me last week that her country might have to apply to the International Monetary Fund for a loan. Latvia has already trodden that path. Last week it agreed its second loan in eight months from the IMF and the EU.

The remainder of the article can be read here. Please post comments below.

Pinn illustration

Most days I get an e-mail informing me that somebody or other is “now following you on Twitter!” I find this slightly baffling, since I hardly ever tweet – that is, broadcast my every thought and deed to the world, using 140 characters or fewer. I tried Twitter out on the night of the US presidential election in November and did not like it much. One of my very last tweets was: “This is possibly the most moronic form of journalism I have ever done.” Since then, I have fallen largely silent.

But now I am having to rethink my disdain. Twitter is the most fashionable political medium of the moment, widely hailed for the role it played in allowing Iranian demonstrators to stay in touch with each other and avoid censorship. The US state department was so impressed by the role the microblogging service was playing it asked Twitter to delay an update that would have taken it off air. A headline in the Los Angeles Times summarised the conventional wisdom when it roared: “Tyranny’s new nightmare: Twitter”.

Even before Iran, Twitter was becoming increasingly trendy. Everybody from Senator John McCain to Britain’s Foreign Office was tweeting. The whole phenomenon has made me belatedly accept that the most important and profound political messages can, in fact, usually be encapsulated in 140 characters.

The remainder of the article can be read here. Please post comments below.

Pinn illustration

There was a moment, a few months ago, when sensible people in rich countries were considering pulling all their money out of the bank, buying gold ingots and hiding them under the bed. But now that the panic has passed, something less frightening and rather bleaker is beckoning. Welcome to the politics of austerity.

Across the developed world, unemployment, public debt and taxes are rising. When the global economic crisis first hit, it was natural to assume that the poorer and more recent democracies would be most vulnerable to a political backlash. Without the accumulated wealth or the welfare systems to cushion the blow, their populations looked vulnerable. Most countries in central Europe or Latin America only made the transition to democracy in the 1980s, so authoritarian nasties might still be lurking in the shadows.

But perhaps we are looking for trouble in the wrong places. It could be that it will be the richer democracies, such as Britain and the US, that find it most difficult to adapt to the politics of austerity.

The remainder of the article can be read here. Please post comments below.

The World

with Gideon Rachman

About this blog About Gideon Blog guide
Gideon Rachman and his FT colleagues debate international affairs.

Gideon became chief foreign affairs columnist for the Financial Times in July 2006. He joined the FT after a 15-year career at The Economist, which included spells as a foreign correspondent in Brussels, Washington and Bangkok. He also edited The Economist’s business and Asia sections.

His particular interests include American foreign policy, the European Union and globalisation
To comment, please register for free with FT.com and read our policy on submitting comments.

All posts are published in UK time.

Contact gideon.rachman@ft.com about The World blog.

See the full list of FT blogs.

The FT’s Brussels blog

For views and opinions on the European Union from Peter Spiegel, Joshua Chaffin, Alex Barker and Stanley Pignal, follow the FT's Brussels blog here.

Tags

2012 US presidential election arab spring austerity Bahrain bailout Barroso Berlusconi capitalism China climate change crisis Cuba Davos drugs ECB EFSF Egypt EU Europe European Commission Eurozone Eurozone crisis Fidel Castro France Gaddafi Greece IMF Iran Italy Japan Klaus Schwab Libya Live blog Mario Monti Merkel Middle East protests Papandreou Rick Perry Romney Sarkozy Syria Tunisia US election WEF World Economic Forum

The blog day by day

« JanFebruary 2012
M T W T F S S
 12345
6789101112
13141516171819
20212223242526
272829