Category: Israel

The Israelis are pretty used to international condemnation. They weathered the storms over the attack on the Gaza Strip in 2009 and the invasion of southern Lebanon in 2006. The Israelis will not be enjoying the current wave of international condemnation, unleashed by their deadly assault on the blockade-busting ships bound for Gaza – but they will assume that it too will pass. Are  they right?

There are three particular angles for the Israelis to worry about. First, that there will be some sort of new intifada. Second, the continued deterioration in their relationship with Turkey. Third, their fraying ties with the Obama administration.

Israel’s alarm at the deterioration in its relations with the US is palpable. In Jerusalem recently, even a liberal commentator told me: “Barack Obama is a disaster for Israel. I don’t think the general public realise just how much of a disaster he is.” Government officials are more careful – but only a bit. Danny Ayalon, the deputy Israeli foreign minister, says that it would be a “grave mistake” for America to present its own Middle East peace plan, an idea that the US president’s people are known to be considering.

Continue reading “Israel’s fear and loathing of Obama”

There are loads of us all over the world. Volcano exiles. As I sat around in Tel Aviv over the weekend – gloomily surveying the dwindling options for getting back to Britain – I took a twisted sort of comfort from the stories of friends in similar or worse predicaments. My colleague Tim Harford sent a message from Helsinki. Other than waiting the ash-cloud out, his best option was “27-hour ferry to near Hamburg, standing-room only to Brussels, swim across the channel”. As Tim’s message arrived, I was checking out the rumour of a ferry from Haifa to Brindisi in Italy. It only takes three days.

Continue reading “Anger erupts for a volcanic exile”

By Roula Khalaf, the FT’s Middle East editor

Comment illustration

It is easy to dismiss Mahmoud Abbas’s decision not to contest the next Palestinian presidential election as a capricious cry for attention.

Since taking the helm of the Palestinian Authority after the 2004 death of Yasser Arafat, he has often looked uncomfortable in the job and has frequently threatened to resign.

Under his leadership, the PA has been a far less corrupt administration and one genuinely committed to the peaceful pursuit of an end to Israeli occupation. But it has also presided over the worst divisions in the Palestinian national movement’s history. And its purpose – to negotiate the creation of an independent state – has looked increasingly hopeless.

The remainder of this article can be read here. Please post comments below.

Self-Fulfilling ProphecyChristina Larson in The New Republic: A Journal of Politics and the Arts

Obama meets the LobbyStephen M. Walt in Foreign Policy  (Walt returns to the subject of his bitterly controversial book, “The Lobby”)

On Versions of GoodnessBagehot in The Economist

The New Scramble for AfricaMark Weston in EMEA Finance

Someone give the FT a dose of valium, pleaseDaniel W. Drezner in Foreign Policy

The fact that Tzipi Livni and Kadima sneaked ahead of Likud and Benjamin Netanyahu by one seat in the Israeli election has allowed some analysts to spin the election as good news for the beleagured peace process. I don’t see it that way.

Its true that Livni favours trying for a two-state solution, while Netanyahu is not keen. But that’s where the good news for the peace-camp ends. There has been a big swing to the right, which will make it significantly easier for Likud to form a coalition than for Kadima.

Above all, it was a disastrous night for the left-of-centre parties. Labour were forced into fourth position, behind the ultra-nationalist Yisrael Beiteinu – a humiliating result for the party of Peres and Golda Meir. And Mertez, the most explicitly pro-peace party, were almost wiped out – they have gone down from five seats  to three seats.

These two parties probably lost votes to Livni and Kadima, as she became the obvious “stop Netanyahu” candidate. But Meretz probably also paid a price for equivocating on the Gaza war. Faced with the overwhelming popularity of the invasion in Israel, Meretz initially endorsed the attack – compromising their principles and alienating some of their natural voters. As a result, they have now even be overtaken by the “communist” party, Hadash, which opposed the war from the beginning.

I am beginning to have religious doubts. For the first time in my life, it has occurred to me that maybe the ultra-Orthodox Jews really do have a direct line to the Lord. There is a group living here in Jerusalem who regard the Israeli state as an abomination because it has been formed before the return of the Messiah. They had called upon God to signal his disapproval of Israel by smiting Tuesday’s elections with storms. And lo, it came to pass. The weather on election day was filthy: torrential rain, gale-force winds, even hail at one point. The winds were so powerful that they blew my new light-weight glasses off my face and they disappeared somewhere. So I am typing this blind. God knows what words are coming out on the screen.

Despite the weather, the elections went ahead. The exit polls suggest that Livni and Kadima will be the largest party, closely followed by Likud, with the far-right Yisrael Beiteinu and “Yvette” Lieberman beating Labour into fourth place. So Livni would get first shot at forming a government, but might not be able to secure a majority.

The likeliest scenarios in descending order seem to be: 1) A Likud-led government led by Netanyahu and dependent on votes from Lieberman and the religious parties. The snag is that the religious parties loath the pork-eating Liebermanites – and may call down a thunderstorm on them. 2) A Livni-Lieberman-Labour coalition – but this is an uneasy ideological coalition. 3) A grand coalition bringing together Kadima, Likud and Labour. All of these options seem pretty unstable, so Israel may well have elections again quite soon. This, after all, is their fifth election inside ten years.

Earlier on election day, I had lunch with some relatives. They had all cast their usual vote for the Communist Party – the only Knesset party that has both Arab and Jewish MPs. But somehow I don’t see the Commies making it into the next governing coalition.

James Ferguson's

You might expect a general election conducted just weeks after a war to be a tense affair. But, as Israel prepares to go to the polls this week, the country does not feel on edge. The joggers on Tel Aviv’s beaches pound up and down in the surf, oblivious to the anarchy and violence an hour’s drive away in the Gaza Strip.

Nobody seems to expect anything much to change as a result of Tuesday’s vote. Israeli politicians like to talk about “existential” threats to their country, but they are still avoiding existential choices about the future of Israel. Anybody looking for something that might break the bloody deadlock between Israel and the Palestinians needs to look outside the colourful, but dysfunctional, world of Israeli politics. The best hope – slim though it may be – is the Obama administration.

It is not yet clear whether Israel’s next prime minister will be Benjamin Netanyahu, leader of the rightwing Likud party, or Tzipi Livni, head of the centrist Kadima party. But all the pre-election polls suggest one clear trend: a distinct move to the right. The Labour party, the traditional standard-bearer of the left, is in danger of being pushed into fourth position behind a radical, rightwing party, Yisrael Beiteinu. Meretz, the peaceniks’ party, will be an also-ran.

The remainder of the article can be read here. Please post comments below.

I am in Israel this evening. Election posters are everywhere and there is lots of excitement ahead of the vote on Tuesday. But visiting Hebron market on the West Bank this afternoon, I didn’t find any Palestinians who seemed to think the result would make much difference to them.

Even though the Palestinians are studiously indifferent to the Israeli elections, their own politics are on the move. Hamas have always been strong in Hebron – and the general opinion seemed to be that the war in Gaza had strengthened support for them in the West Bank as well. One woman trader I spoke to didn’t seem too happy about it. “If Hamas take power in the West Bank”, she said, “it will be very bad for women. They will make me close my stall down.”

I’ve never seen anywhere on the West Bank where Israeli settlers and Palestinians live so close together as in Hebron. The town is now effectively divided by check-points, walls and metal gates – all policed by a very heavy Israeli military presence. The Israeli side seemed comatose this afternoon, a combination of the fact that it was the Sabbath and that there are only 400 settlers, guarded by hundreds more troops. I saw one extravagantly bearded man out for a stroll with his family – a charming scene, apart from the fact that he had a machine-gun strapped across his chest.

The BBC are under attack for refusing to broadcast a charity appeal for people made homeless in Gaza. The Observer newspaper claims that the BBC has been thrown into crisis by the decision. Jon Snow, a veteran broadcaster, calls the decision “ludicrous”. Douglas Alexander, a government minister, has called upon the BBC to re-consider. Tim Llwellyn, a former BBC correspondent, accuses his former employer of “cowardice”.

But I think the BBC are right. Broadcasting a charity appeal for Gaza at this particular moment would compromise the corporation’s impartiality. This is not a disaster caused by a tsuanami or an earthquake. It is not an Act of God. It is the product of a highly controversial war – and for the BBC to broadcast appeals for humanitarian relief for Palestinian victims would inevitably be seen as a political act.

This is not to say that I think that firepower the Israelis unleashed on Gaza was justifiable – I don’t, I think it was appalling. But the BBC’s most important job is to report on what is going on, and its most important asset is its credibility. I think BBC reporters have done a pretty good job in this latest crisis. But they are routinely attacked for “bias”, particularly in the United States and Israel. Why play into the hands of their critics? There are plenty of other avenues for charities to appeal for help for the Palestinians.

The World

with Gideon Rachman

About this blog About Gideon Blog guide
Gideon Rachman and his FT colleagues debate international affairs.

Gideon became chief foreign affairs columnist for the Financial Times in July 2006. He joined the FT after a 15-year career at The Economist, which included spells as a foreign correspondent in Brussels, Washington and Bangkok. He also edited The Economist’s business and Asia sections.

His particular interests include American foreign policy, the European Union and globalisation
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