Monthly Archives: June 2010

Jim Pickard

Former Tory leader Michael Howard has been on the PM programme criticising Ken Clarke’s new, more liberal stance on prison populations (which is, of course, driven in part by cost-cutting concerns). His concerns are shared by many Conservative MPs.

It’s not long ago since Mr Howard, as Tory leader, accused the Lib Dems of being “soft on crime“. I wonder if he still believes that sentiment?

“If persistent and serious criminals are in prison the public is safe from their activities. And I believe the most important objective of the criminal justice system should be to protect the public.”

“I disagree with him (Clarke)…I think that if you’re dealing with serious and persistent offenders, and it’s those who are the offenders who are sent to prison, by people are intelligent, conscientious judges and magistrates across the country, people like David Cameron’s mother…these judges and magistrates don’t send people to prison without giving the matter a great deal of thought, without having in almost all cases having explored other ways of dealing with these offenders and having come to the conclusion, usually as the last resort, that they have no alternative.”

Jim Pickard

This announcement has been in the pipeline (ahem) for over a month, I’m told. Could it have anything to do with the fact that hiring the former chief executive of BP as a government adviser could be unpopular – given the environmental disaster befalling the Gulf of Mexico?

Lord Browne was a somewhat controversial figure even before BP’s current nightmares.

The Minister for the Cabinet Office, Francis Maude, has announced that Lord Browne of Madingley will become the Government’s lead Non-Executive Director. In this important new role, one of his first tasks will be to work with Secretaries of State to appoint Non-Executive Directors to the board of each government department. He will also work closely with the Minister for the Cabinet Office, Francis Maude, on overhauling how departmental boards are run and improving governance across Whitehall.

Jim Pickard

The Guardian had an eye-catching splash this morning warning that the Budget would “cost 1.3m jobs”. Particularly striking was the premise that more would be lost in the private sector than the public sector over the next five years as a result of cutting the deficit.

Read the story in detail, however, and it also emerges that 2.5m jobs will be created in the private sector in the next five years. The result (even presuming no new public sector jobs): a net increase of 1.2m jobs. This explains how the Office for Budget Responsibility can still predict unemployment to peak this year at 8.1 per cent and then fall to 6.1 per cent in 2015. (You may or may not find this all a little optimistic).

Every year – with or without recession – there is churn” in the workplace. That is, some companies and institutions take on thousands of staff. Others axe posts. Therefore we should not necessarily be quite so alarmed.

As John Philpott, chief executive of the Chartered Institute of Personnel and Development, tell me:

The rule of thumb answer is that in a ‘normal’ (i.e. trend growth) year around 500,000 jobs will be lost (as a result of productivity improvements) to the economy and about 750,000 created, enabling some amount of net job creation.”

Jim Pickard

We never resisted the chance to laugh at Gordon Brown for conjuring up schemes which always promised round-number cash figures, usually of £1bn or £10bn or £100bn. It gave him a certain Dr Evil from Austin Powers quality, as we frequently pointed out.

Therefore it would be unfair not to point out that David Cameron appears to be going down the same path; yesterday the coalition promised a £1bn growth fund for regions hit by public spending cuts.

No matter that the money will probably come from existing budgets including the £1.4bn spent on regional development agencies.

Other recent examples of Cameron’s round figure tendencies include a promise of a £1bn energy smart meter programme; his £1bn plan to help marriage via a tax break; an Olympics-based marketing fund worth…..cue sinister laughter…£1bn.

UPDATE

One Labour frontbencher says the growth fund is ludicrous given that it will come from other budgets being decimated. “Why not set up a new £1bn health fund and dismantle the entire NHS at the same time,” he says. Then again, still a bit early for New Labour to question this kind of double-speak given that they excelled at it.

1. The claimant count has more than trebled from 700,000 in the late 1970s, costing the Treasury about £12.5bn a year.

2. About 40 per cent suffer from a mental illness or bad nerves. They are half as likely to find work as someone with a physical disability.

3. Around 40 per cent of existing claimants are “self certified”. A new stricter test was brought in last year.

4. The rejection rate has risen from around 35 per cent under to old test to 68 per cent under the new regime. The new test has only applied to new applicants but 40 per cent of them had claimed sickness benefit in the past.

5. Almost half of the 2.5m claimants are over the age of 50. Some 900,000 claimants are expected to die or take the state pension before the re-testing drive is complete.

6.The new test is projected to push more than a million claimants on the dole, steadily increasing the jobless claimant count to 3m by 2014.

7. Ethnic minorities represent just 6 per cent of claimants even though they represent 12 per cent of working population.

8. Around 5.5 per cent of claimants find a job every year. But there is no requirement to do so.

9. After a year on the benefit, the average length of claim is eight years. After two years on the benefit, a claimant is more likely to die or retire than find work.

10. The new test is expected to cut the cost of sickness benefits by around £1.5bn by the end of the parliament. But it will be difficult to find more savings, at least without cutting the level of benefit payments.

Jim Pickard

You may have noted the mock horror from Labour about IDS’s comments to the Sunday Telegraph yesterday that those on benefits may need to travel to work. It’s described by the Labour-supporting Mirror as an “extreme Norman Tebbit-style ‘on yer bike’ policy“.

Here is a link to the interview when Caroline Flint two years ago suggested that unemployed people getting housing benefit should, in effect, be turfed out. She was, of course, the Labour housing minister. It appears to be exactly the same policy. What goes around comes around.

UPDATE: A union contact tells me that John Healey’s first speech as housing minister was to a gathering of union officials. His opening words: “The first thing you need to know about me is that I’m not Caroline Flint.”

Jim Pickard

When the coalition on May 12 pushed out its announcement for which MPs would take up ministerial roles there was a noticable delay when it came to Defra posts. I can reveal that David Cameron did intend a significant reshuffling between that department and DECC.

The idea was to add “environment” to DECC (creating DEECC, perhaps), beefing up the department controlled by Chris Huhne. I’m told that the documentation was all written and ready to send out. Several responsibilities would have been shorn from Defra, including the entire Environment Agency. Something that day made the new prime minister change his mind.

One source in the coalition tells me that the idea was somehow invented by Moira Wallace, permanent secretary at DECC, as some kind of land grab. I’m not sure that rings true. Maybe the idea from the politicians was to get everything environmental in one place – and then someone pointed out that altering Whitehall architecture tends to be a waste of money and time.

Not that this has stopped the new government from promising to turn the tripartite system of financial control upside down.

Alex tells me that tax credits were supposed to be moved from the Treasury to the Department of Work and Pensions – which would make sense. That, too, was stymied.

Jim Pickard

The Observer has carried out an excellent survey of the five Labour leadership candidates today. The highlights:

1] Highest opinion of self: Diane Abbott: Asked what the wisest thing a fellow candidate has said, she replies: “The most stupid thing that fellow candidates have said is that immigration cost us the election. The wisest thing they have said is ‘I agree with Diane.’”

2] Weirdest co-incidence. The Miliband brothers. Both Mili-E and Mili-D chose as their favourite film (for “pure pleasure”) 12 Angry Men. Given how many tens of thousands of films have been made over the decades, that seems a bit odd. Could it – possibly – be that these upstanding citizens have picked the movie for its moral message. Whereas choosing Predator or Dude Where’s My Car?, for example, would not make them look so noble?

Ed Balls by contrast picked the wonderful Some Like it Hot. Although David M did show his human side by selecting as his favourite bookThe Gruffalo (pictured).

3] Worst cliche. Diane Abbott. Asked to sum up her campaign, she says: “If not me, who – and if not now, when?” She has already said this before. And she may not like the answer: “Someone else, in late September.”

4] Most left-wing policy. Not sure. It’s a toss-up between Ed Balls (50p top rate of income tax to start at £100,000), David Miliband (mansion tax on big houses) and Ed Miliband (making the bankers’ bonus tax permanent).

5] Most earnest contender. Ed Miliband. He took his family on holiday to the south of France by train because it was “good for climate change“. David Miliband comes second for saying his favourite place is “wherever my family is“.

Jim Pickard

Westcountry Lib Dem MP Andrew George has tabled an amendment to the Finance Bill* and has attracted the signatures of three colleagues, the Independent on Sunday has revealed. (Bob Russell, Mark Williams, Roger Williams). The amendment demands an assessment of the impact of the VAT rise on various social groups.

There is no doubt that some Lib Dem figures are hugely uncomfortable with the Budget – especially the VAT move. But how far would potential rebels go over the issue? It feels increasingly likely that the four may vote against the Budget; or at least the VAT element of it. The IoS story goes even further by suggesting they are already talking to Labour figures about covert co-operation.

If true, this would be of concern to the Tory leadership, which is already worried about Labour’s tactic of directing fire primarily towards the LIb Dems in an attempt to pick up their disillusioned left-leaning supporters. At a recent meeting of the 1922 Committee, George Osborne urged colleagues to – in the metaphorical words of one Tory MP – “hug a Lib Dem”. Osborne and others are acutely aware that splits within the smaller party could be toxic to the entire enterprise. Plunging opinion polls (two have put the Lib Dems at 16 per cent today) make this more likely.

But how seriously should we take the suggestion of co-operation with Labour? Are unhappy Lib Dem MPs really working covertly with the opposition party or have a handful merely chatted to each other in the corridors?

Bob Russell, the outspoken Lib Dem MP for Colchester (pictured), tells me the story is “poppycock” and “Labour mischief-making” and he hasn’t spoken to any Labour MPs about his signing the motion. “There is not a conspiracy involving Simon Hughes or Charles Kennedy, this is about backbencher unease from members, if Labour thinks there is some yawning chasm they are going to be sorely disillusioned,” he says.

It was true that he had spent 40 years opposing the “dastardly deeds” of former Tory administrations, Russell admitted.

But he said he despised Labour for its failure to build much more council housing, its “illegal” invasion of Iraq and the fact that the party had left the country’s finances in a mess and 3.9m children in poverty.

“The idea of some kind of collusion with Labour is….make-believe,” he said. “Labour are expecting me to have a go at the coalition, in the fullness of time that may come to pass, but at the moment I’m doing my best within the coalition.”

* Or to be technically precise, an amendment to a Budget resolution concerning VAT – as a reader points out

Jo Johnson

An orgy of internal elections to select committees reached its climax this afternoon with a stunning outcome for members of the new intake. I haven’t yet had time to go through the Labour results but, on the Conservative side, the class of 2010 dominates the membership of even the most prestigious select committees, such as foreign affairs, treasury and public accounts. Whereas almost all candidates from the 2010 intake won a place for their first choice, many older MPs will be disappointed: several committees – including business, innovation and skills – had attracted over 25 candidates for 4 places.

Analysts are starting to work through the implications of the looming squeeze on departmental spending. Whitehall is bracing for job cuts, but the raw numbers are still quite stark.

Take defence. George Osborne promised to spare the MoD from part of the 25 per cent cuts. But even a flat cash settlement — of 10 to 15 per cent cuts — would place heavy strain on the budget.

Malcolm Chalmers at RUSI has calculated what a 15 per cent cut would mean for personnel.

If, as our central scenario suggests, total real spending on personnel falls by around 13%, total personnel numbers would therefore have to fall by around 15% by 2014. Total personnel numbers would then be reduced from 283,000 to 240,000. If spread proportionately, this would lead to a 30,000 cut in military personnel numbers, together with a reduction in civilian personnel numbers of around 13,000.

At a time of war, announcing 43,000 job cuts is politically toxic. The MoD is no stranger to shedding staff — the size of the Defence Equipment and Support group in Bristol has fallen by more than 10,000 over the last few years. But the squeeze on numbers this time will be of a different order. Given around 40 per cent of the budget is staff costs, there is little alternative.

Vince Cable valiantly continues to argue that the £1,000 increase in the income tax threshold is part of the Lib Dem “progressive” strand of this week’s Budget – evidence that George Osborne listened closely to the Lib Dems’ determination to protect the poor when framing his austerity package.

Before he pushes the case too far, Cable would do well to have a quiet word with his departmental (Tory) colleague David Willetts.

Politicians (and the media) have short memories. Increases in the income tax threshold used to be a favourite policy of the Conservative right: people would keep more of their own money and would be less dependent on state benefits, the argument ran. And, the poor would benefit.

Westminster blog

on the UK political scene

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Jim Pickard and Kiran Stacey, FT Westminster correspondents, share the latest news and analysis on the UK's political scene.

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Contact the Westminster blog team: Jim Pickard, Kiran Stacey, Nicholas Timmins, Elizabeth Rigby and Helen Warrell.

The illustrations of Jim and Kiran are by Nick Hardcastle.

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The authors

Jim Pickard joined the lobby team in January 2008. He has been at the Financial Times since 1999 as a regional correspondent, assistant UK news editor and property correspondent.

Kiran Stacey is an FT political correspondent, having joined the lobby in 2011. He started at the FT as a graduate trainee in 2008, working on desks including UK companies and US equity markets before taking over the FT's Energy Source blog.

Contributors

Elizabeth Rigby, the FT's chief political correspondent, joined the lobby team in September 2010. Elizabeth has worked at the FT for more than a decade and was most recently its consumer industries editor.

Helen Warrell is the FT's UK reporter, covering home affairs, crime and policing. She joined the FT in 2008 and has spent time as a reporter in the Brussels bureau and more recently, editing the paper's Asia coverage on the world news desk.

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