A cloud is hanging over one of the government’s biggest privatisations.

The £6bn proposed PFI deal for the search and rescue helicopter service has taken a highly unusual turn. It could have big implications for not only the service, but how such negotiations are handled in future.

Philip Hammond told the Commons yesterday that talks have been abruptly halted — hours before a planned announcement to proceed — after the private Soteria consortium disclosed a “possible issue” to the Ministry of Defence.

Whitehall figures told us that the “issue” is a possible breach of propriety on bidding rules. In other words, this is about standards of conduct, rather than problems with fundamentals of the deal (price, debt etc).

Most of the details remain secret — indeed some ministers and senior people involved with the negotiations are still in the dark. This is certainly a story to watch carefully over the coming weeks.

A big announcement is about to be made by the Ministry of Defence.

Bernard Gray — the former Labour adviser and author of a high profile report into defence acquisition — will be taking over as chief of defence materiel.

This ends a year long search to fill the most important procurement post in the MoD and brings an iconoclast into the heart of Whitehall’s most dysfunctional department.

Gray’s scathing report, published last year, went down very badly with the MoD old guard. Indeed some people joke that his arrival as CDM may spark an exodus that will solve the MoD’s headcount problem.

There is no doubt that this is a strong signal of intent from Liam Fox and David Cameron. Change has arrived at the MoD, whether the officials like it or not.

Gray has a lot on his plate. There are hundreds of contracts to cancel and renegotiate, tough efficiency targets to reach and a reorganisation to oversee that will shed some 25,000 civilian staff.

Jim has reported on the cool response from ministers to Sir Gus O’Donnell’s unsolicited paper on contingency measures if the economy takes a turn for the worse.

But O’Donnell is not the only Whitehall knight taking a hit today from MPs.

Sir Bill Jeffrey, who was until recently Britain’s most senior defence official, has also been ticked off over his handling of the aircraft carrier decision.

The Public Accounts Committee takes the highly unusual step of criticising him by name for failing to request a “letter of instruction” from his minister before signing the “unaffordable” aircraft carrier contract.

They conclude he did not “discharge his responsibility” as accounting officer. In plain language, it means he failed in his duty to protect value for money.

A pearl from Gary Gibbon’s blog:

Deputy Leader Simon Hughes is coming in for particular stick from colleagues. “He’s had more positions than the Kama Sutra on this”, one fellow Lib Dem MP said. “He’s not rubber, he’s putty.”**

Very well put. It’s a reminder that most of the refusniks on the Lib Dem side are far from untainted. They may be sticking to their election campaign pledge, but they are breaking their word to abide by the coalition agreement. As one of the “rebels” told me, “we should have done more earlier, we have blood on our hands too”.

Remember that no MP voted against the coalition agreement and only Charlie Kennedy abstained. The Lib Dem special conference, which included some 2,000 delegates, was almost North Korean in its support. No delegate stood up and questioned whether an abstention was enough to protect Lib Dem honour on tuition fees. And no more than a dozen activists actually voted against the full deal.

These arguments aren’t really washing with the rebel MPs though. The mood on the Lib Dem backbenches is to vote no rather than abstain. As Gibbon notes, they can all do the maths and see that the proposals will almost certainly go through. And who would want to explain to voters the reasons for them sitting on the fence?

One additional problem for Clegg is that the whips have lost some of their best arguments. With all the ministers backing Clegg, they can’t even dangle the prospect of a promotion in front of backbenchers who stay loyal.

What a blast from the past. The recall of various witnesses — including Tony Blair — to the Iraq inquiry is a gentle reminder to those who may have forgotten that the Iraq Inquiry goes on. Indeed, the surprise highlights that the Iraq Inquiry is — rightly or wrongly — facing something of an existential crisis.

There are several convincing reasons for thinking the report is drifting towards irrelevance. The political fizz has gone since Labour lost the election. The national security council has been formed, the defence review is over, and the big spending decisions have been taken. The inquiry may have missed the boat. At worst, it will be an expensive and time consuming means of passing judgement on yesterday’s men.

Over at the Guardian, Nick Watt has pulled together a terrific summary of the lifelong rivalry between Ken Clarke and Michael Howard. It began 50 years ago with a row over Oswald Mosley and it’s still going strong today over prisons policy.

Clarke and Howard are, of course, members of the so-called Cambridge Mafia that graduated from 1960s student politicking to rule the roost in Whitehall as cabinet ministers.

It is a famous tale. But there is a coalition twist to the Cambridge Mafia story that is less well known.

One of the Cambridge Union presidents around this time was a young liberal activist from York called Vince Cable.

Now that the coalition is formed, Cable has surely earned his place as a “made man”. He really deserves to join the list of Cambridge Mafioso, which includes Clarke, Howard, Norman Lamont, Norman Fowler, John Gummer and Leon Brittan. (Some of them are pictured here at Clarke’s wedding.)

That said, while they mixed in the same circles, Vince was never terribly keen on joining the gang. He remarked that Clarke was “not particularly exciting back then – not the real personality he later became”. And this is what he thought of the Tory “conveyor belt”.

There is a clear, unremitting pattern to David Cameron’s announcements on Afghanistan: they all point to the exit. Today he repeated that troops could begin returning in 2011 — contradicting a warning from the new head of the armed forces last month. As one senior military figure told me recently, Cameron “is not making our job easier”.

General Sir David Richards, the chief of defence staff, is travelling with the prime minister in Helmand and certainly gave a much warmer response to the idea of an “accelerated withdrawal” when asked this time round. But there will still be a lively discussion over the pace of the draw down and what, if anything, would slow it down.

The Liberal Democrat position on student fees has been bungled in countless ways. But there must be one error of judgement that is more important than the rest — call it the original sin. Here are my top three contenders:

1. Nick Clegg ducking the chance to reform the policy in 2009

Most senior Lib Dems knew they had a policy to scrap tuition fees that was unrealistic and unaffordable. Secret work was done to come up with an alternative that maintained a critical stance but cost a lot less. The result was a more progressive form of tuition fees — something like the proposals today. When this was put to the Lib Dem MPs and the federal policy group, it went down terribly. Some MPs thought it was futile to attempt to scrap a vote-winning policy when any change would be blocked by the Lib Dem conference. Apparently one of the most persuasive arguments  was that the Lib Dems were not going to win the election, so why do the responsible thing?  Clegg eventually ducked the confrontation with his party at the 2009 annual conference. How he must be regretting it now.

The prospect of all Lib Dem MPs — including Clegg and Cable — abstaining on the tuition fee rise never did seem likely.

Well, Vince Cable has consigned the idea to the dustbin, saying he’ll vote for a rise in fees. He broke the news to the Twickenham Times:

“Obviously I have a duty as a minister to vote for my own policy – and that is what will happen.”

He goes on:

“There is a dilemma. I’m very clear I regard the policy as right and as a member of the cabinet I am collectively responsible for the policy.

There is no doubt that is what I should do.”

Cable says that the abstention option was an “olive branch” to those opposed to the rise. Privately other Lib Dem MPs always saw it as a Clegg tactic to win over some wavering MPs. The remainder of the Lib Dem party could still abstain, Cable says. But he clearly has come to the view that it would look ridiculous for him to propose the policy and then refuse to vote for it.

Why the sudden about turn? He may have seen Danny Alexander’s mauling on Question Time, which is certainly a wake-up call for all Lib Dems who thought the negative reaction to abstaining would only resonate in the Westminster village.

Gordon Brown’s love of pre-dawn emails is legendary. But I don’t think anyone imagined they were about mosquito nets. Here’s the passage from the US embassy cable:

The prime minister is personally engaged on assistance issues, Dinham [a senior civil servant] noted. It is not unusual, he said, for DFID officials to receive emails sent before dawn from the prime minister, inquiring about bed net programs to combat malaria, or sharing his latest idea on education programs.

The thing to remember is that this wasn’t just a case of Brown firing off his emails directly. Before being sent, a lot of his messages had to be deciphered from Brownese, a strange Scottish dialect written in caps that often includes anagrams in sentences.

There was apparently one man in Downing Street who excelled in understanding the code, a civil servant rightly lionised for his patience and skill. Just imagine the potential for Brown to mangle the word mosquito, especially when a few extra letters are added to the anagram.

He was truly a one-man Bletchley Park for the Brown era. As the US embassy cable shows, he was working his magic in the early hours too. Others courageously laboured over Brown texts but I’m told that this man in particular deserves a medal. We won’t name him — just think of him as the unknown civil servant. Now his once-essential skill is somewhat redundant, let’s all hope he survives the great Whitehall efficiency drive.

The Electoral Commission have joined the data dumping fiesta today with the release of all the spending receipts from the 2010 election campaign.

There are thousands of pages of to work through, ranging from balloon purchases to contracts for the big ad agencies.

While we work through those, the commission have done a decent job or representing the major trends in this chart. Note how comprehensively outspent Labour were in 2010, particularly on the advertising front. While the spending on leaflets was roughly comparable, the Tories spent almost seven times as much on ads.

Westminster blog

on the UK political scene

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Jim Pickard and Kiran Stacey, FT Westminster correspondents, share the latest news and analysis on the UK's political scene.

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Contact the Westminster blog team: Jim Pickard, Kiran Stacey, Nicholas Timmins, Elizabeth Rigby and Helen Warrell.

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The authors

Jim Pickard joined the lobby team in January 2008. He has been at the Financial Times since 1999 as a regional correspondent, assistant UK news editor and property correspondent.

Kiran Stacey is an FT political correspondent, having joined the lobby in 2011. He started at the FT as a graduate trainee in 2008, working on desks including UK companies and US equity markets before taking over the FT's Energy Source blog.

Contributors

Elizabeth Rigby, the FT's chief political correspondent, joined the lobby team in September 2010. Elizabeth has worked at the FT for more than a decade and was most recently its consumer industries editor.

Helen Warrell is the FT's UK reporter, covering home affairs, crime and policing. She joined the FT in 2008 and has spent time as a reporter in the Brussels bureau and more recently, editing the paper's Asia coverage on the world news desk.

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